Tuesday, December 8, 2009

52 Billionaires Control 1/4 of India’s Gross Domestic Product



Abhi Says, November 29, 2009

Richest persons in India

According to the latest report by Forbes Magazine, India is home of 52 billionaires. Last year, there were 27 billionaires in India but this year there are 52. The combined fortune of India’s 100 richest persons is $276 billion which is almost equivalent to one-fourth India’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product).

In this list, Mukesh Ambani (CMD Reliance Industries) is at the top position with net worth estimated at 32 billion USD. His brother, Anil Ambani is at third position whereas Lakshmi Mittal is on second position in the list. Software czar, Azim Premji is at fourth position with net worth estimated at 14.9 billion USD.

Person Worth Company
1.Mukesh Ambani $32 billion Reliance Industries
2.Lakshmi Mittal $30 billion ArcelorMittal
3.Anil Ambani $17.5 billion Reliance ADA Group
4.Azim Premji $14.9 billion Wipro
5.Shashi Ruia $13.6 billion Essar Group
6.KP Singh $13.5 billion DLF Universal
7.Savitri Jindal $12 billion Jindal Steel
8.Sunil Mittal $8.2 billion Bharti Airtel
9.KumarMangalam Birla $7.8 billion Aditya Birla Group
10.Gautam Adani $6.4 billion Adani Group
11.Anil Agarwal $6.3 billion Vedanta Resources
12.Adi Godrej $5.4 billion Adi Godrej
13.GM Rao $4.3 billion GMR Group
14.Dilip Shanghvi $4.1 billion Sun Pharma
15.Shiv Nadar $3.7 billion HCL Technologies
16.Uday Kotak $3.3 billion Kotak Mahindra Bank
17.Malvinder Mohan Singh $3 billion Religare and Fortis Healthcare
18.Subhash Chandra $2.7 billion Zee TV
19.Indu Jain $2.4 billion Times Group
20.Kalanithi Maran $2.3 billion Sun TV Network
21.Anand Burman $2.25 billion Dabur India
22.Brijmohan Lall Munjal $2.2 billion Hero Group
23.Sudhir Mehta $2.02 billion Torrent Group
24.Cyrus Poonawalla $2 billion Serum Institute of India
25.Ramesh Chandra $1.95 billion Unitech
26.Micky Jagtiani $1.9 billion Landmark Group
27.YK Hamied $1.89 billion Cipla
28.Pravin Kumar Tayal $1.88 billion Tayal Group
29.Jaiprakash Gaur $1.87 billion Jaiprakash Associates
30.Rajan Raheja $1.85 billion Raheja Group
31.Venugopal Dhoot $1.8 billion Vidoecon group
32.Rahul Bajaj $1.75 billion Bajaj Group of Companies
33.Tulsi R Tanti $1.7 billion Suzlon
34Lagadapati Madhusudhan Rao $1.67 billion Lanco Infratech
35. Baba Kalyani $1.63 billion Bharat Forge
36. Rakesh Wadhawan $1.6 billion HDIL
37. Chandru Raheja $1.55 billion K Raheja Group
38. NR Narayana Murthy $1.5 billion Infosys
39. Gautam Thapar $1.4 billion Avantha Group
40. Rama Prasad Goenka $1.35 billion RPG Enterprises
41. Niranjan Hiranandani $1.32 billion Hiranandani Group
42. Desh Bandhu Gupta $1.3 billion Lupin
43. Nandan Nilekani $1.25 billion Unique Identification Authority of India
44. Pankaj Patel $1.21 billion Zydus Cadila Group
45. Vikas Oberoi $1.2 billion Oberoi Constructions
46. Senapathy Gopalakrishnan $1.15 billion Infosys
47. GV Krishna Reddy $1.07 billion GVK Group
48. Ajay Piramal $1.06 billion Piramal Group
49. Vinod Goenka $1.05 billion Dynamix Balwas Group
50. Shahid Balwa $1.02 billion Dynamix Balwas Group
51. Virendra Mhaiskar $1.01 billion IRB Infrastructure
52. Anand Jain $1 billion Jai Corp

Kishenji attends public meet



The Economic Times, 7 Dec 2009


KOLKATA: After a gap of a month, fugitive Maoist leader Kishenji attended an open gathering in Jangalmahal on December 2 to observe the foundation day of the Peoples Liberation Group Army (PLGA).

Another Maoist activist, Rakesh, leader of the West Bengal-Jharkhand-Orissa border regional committee also attended the function along with the commander-in-chief of Jangalmahal, Bikash. The gathering was held amid tight security provided by PLGA activists who had surrounded the area with sophisticated arms and weapons to prevent the joint forces from attempting to foil the function and arrest top Maoist leaders like Kishenji.

Kishenji had left Lalgarh and Jangalmahal after the Maoist activists killed four jawans of the Eastern Frontier Rifles (EFR) at Gidhni bazar area in West Midnapore district on November 8. It is, however, not clear whether Kishenji is staying at Jangalmahal or left the place after attending the function there on December 2.

The function was attended by the inhabitants at least 50 villages in the region. The function begun with the hoisting of red flags and singing of international songs. Two minutes silence was also observed in memory of those Maoist leaders and activists who were killed in police encounters.

In a statement issued recently, Kishenji had alleged that the joint force was preventing the poor villagers from collecting rice from the paddy fields. “Joint force jawans are torturing the poor villagers and are not allowed them to harvest rice. We had urged the government to stop operation against us for at least 15 days to enable tribal farmers to harvest rice. We also promised not to attack the joint force jawans during the 15 days if the government agreed to accept our proposal. But the government refused to do so and we are now determined to protect the poor farmers from the tortures and attacks on them by the joint forces,” Kishenji claimed.

He also said that “PLGA soldiers will now protect the farmers in every field of Lalgarh and Jangalmahal. Our soldiers with their arms and ammunition, will be on the paddy fields to protect the poor tribals from being attacked by the joint forces.” “This we will do because the government has refused to accept our proposal and lift their operation against us.”

Buried Evidence: Report on Indian Army Crimes in Kashmir


BURIED EVIDENCE: Unknown, Unmarked, and Mass Graves in Indian-administered Kashmir

International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Kashmir (IPTK) announces the release of its report at a press conference on Wednesday, December 02, 2009, in Srinagar, Kashmir.

BURIED EVIDENCE documents 2,700 unknown, unmarked, and mass graves, containing 2,943+ bodies, across 55 villages in Bandipora, Baramulla, and Kupwara districts of Kashmir, based on applied research conducted between November 2006-November 2009.

The graveyards investigated by IPTK entomb bodies of those murdered in encounter and fake encounter killings between 1990-2009. These graves include bodies of extrajudicial, summary, and arbitrary executions, as well as massacres committed by the Indian military and paramilitary forces. Of these graves, 2,373 (87.9 percent) were unnamed. Of these graves, 154 contained two bodies each and 23 contained more than two cadavers. Within these 23 graves, the number of bodies ranged from 3 to 17.

A mass grave may be identified as containing more than one, and usually unidentified, human cadaver. Scholars refer to mass graves as resulting from crimes against humanity, war crimes, or genocide. If the intent of a mass grave is to execute death with impunity, with intent to kill more than one, and to forge an unremitting representation of death, then, to that extent, the graves in Bandipora, Baramulla, and Kupwara are part of a collective burial by India’s military and paramilitary, creating a landscape of “mass burial.”

Post-death, the bodies of the victims were routinely handled by military and paramilitary personnel, including the local police. The bodies were then brought to the “secret graveyards” primarily by personnel of the Jammu and Kashmir Police. The graves were constructed by local gravediggers and caretakers, buried individually when possible, and specifically not en mass, in keeping with Islamic religious sensibilities.

The graves, with few exceptions, hold bodies of men. Violence against civilian men has expanded spaces for enacting violence against women. Women have been forced to disproportionately assume the task of caregiving to disintegrated families and undertake the work of seeking justice following disappearances and deaths. These graveyards have been placed next to fields, schools, and homes, largely on community land, and their affect on the local community is daunting.

The Indian Armed Forces and the Jammu and Kashmir Police routinely claim the dead buried in unknown and unmarked graves to be “foreign militants/terrorists.” They claim that the dead were unidentified foreign or Kashmiri militants killed while infiltrating across the border areas into Kashmir or travelling from Kashmir into Pakistan to seek arms training. Official state discourse conflates cross-border militancy with present nonviolent struggles by local Kashmiri groups for political and territorial self-determination, portraying local resistance as “terrorist” activity.

Exhumation and identification have not occurred in sizeable cases. Where they have been undertaken, in various instances, “encounter” killings across Kashmir have, in fact, been authenticated as “fake encounter” killings. In instances where, post-burial, bodies have been identified, two methods have been used prevalently. These are 1. Exhumation; and 2. Identification through the use of photographs.

The report also examines 50 alleged “encounter” killings by Indian security forces in numerous districts in Kashmir. Of these persons, 39 were of Muslim descent; 4 were of Hindu descent; 7 were not determined. Of these cases, 49 were labelled militants/foreign insurgents by security forces and one body that was drowned. Of these, following investigations, 47 were found killed in fake encounters and one was identifiable as a local militant.

IPTK has been able to study only partial areas within 3 of 10 districts in Kashmir, and our findings and very preliminary evidence point to the severity of existing conditions. If independent investigations were to be undertaken in all 10 districts, it is reasonable to assume that the 8,000+ enforced disappearances since 1989 would correlate with the number of bodies in unknown, unmarked, and mass graves.


Allegations


The methodical and planned use of killing and violence in Indian-administered Kashmir constitutes crimes against humanity in the context of an ongoing conflict. The Indian state’s governance of Indian-administered Kashmir requires the use of discipline and death as techniques of social control. Discipline is affected through military presence, surveillance, punishment, and fear. Death is disbursed through “extrajudicial” means and those authorized by law. These techniques of rule are used to kill, and create fear of not just death but of murder.

Mass and intensified extrajudicial killings have been part of a sustained and widespread offensive by the military and paramilitary institutions of the Indian state against civilians of Jammu and Kashmir. IPTK asks that the evidence put forward in this report be examined, verified, and reframed as relevant by credible, independent, and international bodies, and that international institutions ask that the Government of India comply with such investigations.

We note that the international community and institutions have not examined the supposition of crimes against humanity in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. We note that the United Nations and its member states have remained ineffective in containing and halting the adverse consequences of the Indians state’s militarization in Kashmir.

We ask that evidence from unknown, unmarked, and mass graves in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir be used to seek justice, through the sentencing of criminals and other judicial and social processes. As well, the existence of these graves, and how they came to be, may be understood as indicative of the effects and issue of militarization, and the issues pertaining to militarization itself must be addressed seriously and expeditiously.

The violences of militarization in Indian-administered Kashmir, between 1989-2009, have resulted in 70,000+ deaths, including through extrajudicial or “fake encounter” executions, custodial brutality, and other means. In the enduring conflict, 6, 67,000 military and paramilitary personnel continue to act with impunity to regulate movement, law, and order across Kashmir. The Indian state itself, through its legal, political, and military actions, has demonstrated the existence of a state of continuing conflict within Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir.

BURIED EVIDENCE is authored by Angana P. Chatterji, Parvez Imroz, Gautam Navlakha, Zahir-Ud-Din, Mihir Desai, and Khurram Parvez.

Dr. Angana P. Chatterji is Convener IPTK and Professor, Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies. Advocate Parvez Imroz is Convener IPTK and Founder, Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society. Gautam Navlakha is Convener IPTK and Editorial Consultant, Economic and Political Weekly.

Zahir-Ud-Din is Convener IPTK and Vice-President, Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society. Mihir Desai is Legal Counsel IPTK and Lawyer, Mumbai High Court and Supreme Court of India. Khurram Parvez is Liaison IPTK and Programme Coordinator, Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society.

Report, photographs, video clips available at: www.kashmirprocess.org

Queries may be directed to: kparvez@kashmirprocess. org

Saturday, December 5, 2009

Anti-Naxal Offensive To Be Intelligence-Based: Chidambaram. Huh?



Countercurrents


By Trevor Selvam

29 November, 2009


It has been heard that the gnome-like, perpetually-blue-turbaned Indian PM, who was visibly stunned and overwhelmed by the Hollywood gala arranged for him in DC ( and cannot stop waving his hand until told to stop), has given some serious advice to his sidekick, the former lawyer for the Enron’s in India, Mr. Chidambaram (PCC).

The Background


The PM knows that the Bankrupt Big Brothers (BBB) in this world (or the G7 if you would) can still call the shots by issuing bonds and printing money and would very much like India to be on her best behaviour, to be a wedge against that runaway superpower, China. Yes, China, buys the bonds so the US can have cash to buy the goods from China for cheap, so US workers have no jobs, an arrangement that is nearly as schizoid and perplexing as the cuckoo’s nest. China, they do not trust. India, they could, provided India nods its head quietly from time to time on screwing the Iranians, the Palestinians, occasionally the Russians (former “natural friends”) and even its former “third world” non-aligned partners from the past, and also simultaneously shimmy-ing up to the Israelis on intelligence, rocketry, underhanded arms deals and counter-insurgency operations. Of course Pakistan is such a disaster-struck nation, that BBB has advised the PM to relax on the western border and not aggravate Pakistan’s paranoia and its already out of control terror-sponsorship.

India has enough foreign exchange reserves to bail out the IMF once in a while, by buying gold from it (never mind the fact that it also has to import food again, using the same reserves, after so many years) and being in the good books of the BBB. And of course also slyly nudge the price of gold up, slightly, as a side benefit.

The Indian ruling class are dependent, servile, but also manoeuvring and self-serving. They serve the BBB well, but they have their own plans. The Indian ruling class do have a trick or two up their sleeves. They have the washing-machine-cum-dryer crazy ugly-rich who have the purchasing power parity (PPP- or the Power to Piss on the Poor) to regenerate the collapsing neo-liberalized world commodity market and save the pickled posteriors of the G7. So, India’s behaviour is being watched and even controlled in order for India to play a significant role in offsetting the influence of China.

Words Of Caution


So, PM Manmohan Singh (MS) has some words of caution for his Home Minister PC Chidambaran (PCC) as he covertly initiates his continuously postponed Operations against the Naxalite-Maoists in the 15 or so provinces of India. MS would like PCC to understand that BBB is keen that India’s PPP is useful for the G7 to pull it out of the CCC (Continued Capitalist Crisis).

The advice is the following:


-Tone down the law and order rhetoric. Up the “root cause” rhetoric. That is, talk about “development” as your troops empty their magazines on the tribals. Talk White, don’t be a Negro! That is what southern plantation owners in pre-civil war US would tell their Uncle Toms.

-Talk about “neglect of tribals” when you burn down the villages and hamletize.

-Talk about “past abdication of responsibility of the government” when you herd women into stockades and occasionally let loose your repressed Indo Tibetan Border Force, the CRPF, The Cobra Force and other outfits onto them.

-Turn down the rhetoric, about “Operations” and quietly launch the assault on the Maoist enclaves in tri-junction areas of provinces and displace the tribes into adjoining provinces, one state at a time. In small spurts. Less publicity. Physically evacuate the forests and fence the people in, so you can sort out the good from the bad. The wheat from the chaff, the fish from the water. This will create animosity amongst the provinces and even amongst the tribes, as India’s first citizens become displaced persons (DPs) in their own country. This has already started happening in districts of Andhra adjoining Orissa and districts of Maharashtra and Chattisgarh.

-Talk less about military operations and talk more about Intelligence-bound operations. Huh? Military Intelligence! I thought that that oxymoron had been clichéd out, years ago! Well, PCC has revived it.

Intelligent Delay? Or Delayed Intelligence?


Once slated for start up in October, then pushed to November, then December and now Green Hunt will be started in January, by the time the elections in Jharkhand are settled. Why is there such a postponement? Apart from the significant and well-articulated opposition amongst India’s civic society leaders (there will be an important public meeting in New Delhi on December 4th, where Supreme court lawyers, judges, writers, economists, academics, civil rights activists will be speaking) there is one more reason. It has been reliably learned that some of the semi-retired, bravado-spewing cops who are training these counter-insurgency special forces in “jungle warfare”, as they refer to it, have clearly stated that Cobra, Python, Rattle, Boa or Viper, they are not ready in large enough numbers to swarm the Naxalites. When MS and PCC woke up to find out about the Maoists, two years ago, they had around 5,000 fighters. And perhaps 20,000 sympathizers. With all the Operations that have been carried out officially and unofficially, there are reports that they now have over 250,000 sympathizers. Much of what is said about the Maoists ‘military strength is exaggerated. It is not their numbers that matter, however. India already has the largest armed police force in the world. The BSF and CRP are the largest para-military force in the world. So why is such a large force being freshly inducted and trained to go to battle against the Maoists? Because they have now realized belatedly that the Maoists are the tribals (nearly twenty percent of India’s population), they are Indians like you and me, they are not foreigners, and they are not bearded jihadists or Asiatic looking Manipuris and “hostile” Nagas (as they used to be called). When it came to the North east and Kashmir, the insurgents were anybody who did not look like Punjabis, Dogras, Jats, Mahrattis, Biharis, Madrassis--the “regular Indians.” Now there is a problem! The entire triangular belly of India is composed of primarily aboriginal people. And they are turning away from Delhi’s rule over them. How will you sort out the good tribal from the bad tribal? Besides, for those who are more historically inclined and have looked up past upsurges like in Algeria, China, Vietnam and even Iraq, will know that mobile guerrillas walk and move to a different tune than your regular army. When an Army crosses a river, it is visible for miles around, no matter how highly trained they are. A small guerrilla band can effectively deal with them, effortlessly, by collapsing the roads and the bridges. So, when a regular Army moves, it must make a wide sweep with thousands of troops to strategically sanitize its route. This will not work in the forest of Gadhricholi, Chattisgarh, Jharkhand or Junglemahal. So you need troops who can move in forests, wade through rivers and more importantly have the knowledge about local dialects and language. Who will be the spotters for these troops? Of course there is the Salwa Judum solution, which has already proved itself to be a monumental failure, increasing the ranks of the Maoists considerably. So, PCC knows or has realized that you need an “intelligent” force to deal with the Naxalites. Because the Naxalites are an intelligent enemy and they are as fiercely patriotic as anybody else, if not more! PCC has an Intelligence problem! Or, perhaps a deficit?

Speaking at the 44th Raising Day celebrations of the Border Security Force , Chidambaram said, "I expect the BSF to hone the skills and tactics that were developed by it during the anti-militancy and counter-insurgency operations and adopt to the new conditions that they will face in the Naxal-affected areas.
"In these areas, operations have to be intelligence-based and (security forces) have to secure the support of the community and people living in those areas," the Home minister said.

Now how do you do that? You come with drones overhead (this is now publicly acknowledged by the Indian government that the Maoists are in such densely forested areas, where no roads exist, that the government is sending drones to spot warm bodies by imaging) and how do you shake hands with the tribals when you are spotting them like fleeing deer from your vantage point in the clouds? It is no longer a secret that Bankrupt Big Brother is assisting in the technological aspects, after succesfully killing hundreds of "AfPak" civilians, while operating the drones. So, how do you win over the support of half-naked, starving people 5,000 feet below on the ground?

If the BSF, the EFR, the CRPF and also the Cobra (whose much ballyhooed nose got bloodied badly by the Maoists recently) knew how to do community work, put women in command, with respect, in all significant operations, help with digging canals, distributing rations, setting up health care centers, helping with harvests, quadrupling minimum wages and selling price of tendu leaves, protecting tribal lands and people from contractors and police, not occupying the smattering of schools that there are, then the Maoists would become redundant. Because that is what the Maoist have been doing for over twenty five years and have built up their “base” areas. That is what “intelligence” is all about.

I have news for PCC. The Maoist have been on the ground for over twenty five years. If you want to get “intelligence” going about the conditions on the ground, talk to them. Your super-cop trained counter-insurgency troopers and Special Police Officers will survive a few weeks or even a few months and then they will start killing each other, as happened in Vietnam, when BBB tried to organize various tribes against the NLF and eventually they all ended up taking the boat to California when the NLF stormed Saigon.

What MS is telling PCC, is make sure that you don’t give the country bad publicity, when you go on the rampage. Make sure you “win over” the people first! Make sure, you make it look good when your troops manhandle, murder, fake-encounter and maraud the tribal nation. Do it with “intelligence.” Because BBB is watching. And that is what PCC is mildly bringing up with the troops.

Joint forces leave behind condoms, booze bottles in School




Times of India, December 4, Kolkata edition


Gohmidanga (West Midnapore):

After months of local opposition, several failed promises and final­ly a court order, the joint forces fi­nally moved out of Gohmidanga High School in Lalgarh on Thurs­day, but left behind a heap of empty liquor bottles, used condoms and broken furniture.


As a result, the school will re­open only on December 7, after the compound is thoroughly cleaned. Classes have remained suspended since July 1, when the forces moved in by breaking the locks.

The Calcutta High Court had ordered a week ago that schools occupied by joint forces had to be vacated by December 30. The or­der came after several promises — one by the home secretary in August and another by the chief minister—to hand back occupied schools to the authorities failed to materialise.

But when the Gohmidanga school was finally vacated on Thursday, teachers and administrative staff were in for a shock. The classroom floors were littered with empty bottles of liquor and used condoms. Blackboards were defaced, benches and chairs were broken and electricity boards damaged.

"Police came to my residence at Dahijuri and informed that the joint forces would leave the school. But we were shocked to see the school premises so dirty. How would the jawans damage school property like this? It will take us two to three days to clean up the mess. So we've decided to start classes from Monday," said Nimai ChandraPatra, teacher-in-charge of the school.

"What's worrying us is the electricity bill. Over the past five months that the joint forces were here, the bill amount touched Rs 12,896 in two phases. Though the police have promised to pay the bill, we fear WBSEB would cut power supply due to the high dues," said assistant teacher Utpal Pal.

PCPA spokesperson Asit Mahato said. "The joint forces moved out after the students, guardians and teachers started a movement against the school's occupation.Despite the court order, forces are still occupying 10 schools in the district."

Local resentment against the occupation of the school had touched such heights that students and guardians had got together to demonstrate in front of the school gates on July 20 and 25. Police lathicharged the mob, allegedly leaving several injured. Villagers later arranged for temporary classes under makeshift tents.

There were about 250 jawans of CRPF, BSF, SAP as well as women police at the school. On Thursday, they walked to the Chandra police camp 14 km away after loading their goods on lorries.

Tuesday, December 1, 2009

Invitation to All-India Convention Against War on People


Friends,

As you read this invite, Indian state’s ongoing war on people that began on the 1st of November will already complete several weeks. The body-count of the adivasis –the prime victims of the Indian government’s ‘hunt’– also started to mount.

As per the sporadic news from the Ground Zero trickles in through the media, the casualty is escalating by each passing day, as grow the number of burnt villages, persons displaced, injured or arrested. We hear of battalions of CRPF, COBRA, C-60, Grey Hounds, ITBP, Anti-Naxal Task Force and a whole assortment of armed paramilitary and police forces stepping up their operation in Dandakaranya and adjoining regions, backed by air force helicopters and US intelligence satellites, commanded by army top brass.

As reports are pouring in already thousands of adivasis have been displaced from their homes as the ruthless state repressive machine has let loose a reign of terror in these areas. The renewed offensive by the joint forces in Lalgarh too has left hundreds of protesting adivasis homeless. There is every possibility that the number of dead and injured people, along with the displaced and destroyed villages will only mount in the coming weeks, if the Indian government does not call for an immediate halt to this all-encompassing military offensive. As has been the case with nationality movements in Kashmir and the North East, the Indian state’s endeavour to find a ‘military solution’ through war will only endanger the lives and livelihood of lakhs of citizens.

Indian government has been preparing for this massive military operation for months, lining up nearly one lakh troops and arming them with sophisticated weapons, mobilising the air force for aerial strikes and involving the Indian army not only for training and logistical purposes, but for operational command and even active combat if required.

There are also reports of US intelligence and security officials ‘advising’ the Indian government in conducting this war. As reported by the media, the entire forested regions of central and eastern India have been divided into seven Operating Areas, which the government wants to ‘clear’ within the next five years of all resistance, including that of the Maoists and other Naxalite organisations. An outlay of Rs.7300 crores has already been earmarked for this war.

None is in illusion as to the objectives of this war against the people. This war is being fought by the Indian government at the behest of the corporates and for their benefit, targeting the life and livelihood of the adivasis. The worldwide imperialist economy presently faces its most severe crisis after 1929. The military-industrial complex, which includes multinational and Indian big business interests, is looking for wars that have the potential to artificially generate the much-needed demand for their products in a crisis-ridden market.

Moreover, both domestic and foreign corporations desperately want to lay their hands on the minerals worth billions of dollars deposited in the vast forest regions of central and eastern India. Once accessed, this can guarantee the corporations super-profits for several decades. Hundreds of agreements and MoUs that allow free plunder of people’s resources have already been concluded by mining corporations with the central and state governments. The corporations easily cleared all the legal hurdles between themselves and the natural resources.

The only barrier that now stands between them and their prize is people’s resistance, whether unarmed or armed. From Nandigram to Niyamgiri, Lalgarh to Dandakaranya, Koraput to Kalinganagar, Dadri to Narayanpatna, people have refused to be mere victims of state-sponsored policies of Liberalisation-Privatisation-Globalisation (LPG) in the name of ‘development’. After trying all forceful measures from police repression to Salwa Judum which have failed to deter the people’s movements, the Indian government is now waging war not only against the Naxalite and Maoist movements which have been termed as the ‘biggest internal security threat’, but against all people’s movements that challenge its policies. By doing so, it not only is trying to bulldoze all kinds of dissenting voices and democratic rights, but is also aiming to exterminate the aspirations of the exploited and oppressed people for a better society, a life with dignity.

Forum Against War on People invites you to this All-India Convention which is an effort to examine the ongoing war on people in all its dimensions. More importantly, it seeks to become a strong voice of resistance against this war. We urge you to participate in the Convention and make it an occasion to collectively demand that the Indian government must immediately and unconditionally stop this war, waged in our name against our own people.

Convention Against War On People

Venue: Speaker’s Hall, Constitution Club, Rafi Marg, New Delhi

Date: 4 December 2009 (Friday) Time: 10 am—7 pm


Speakers

Justice AS Bains

BD Sharma

Vara Vara Rao (Revolutionary Poet)

PA Sebastian (CPDR, Maharashtra)

Prof. Jagmohan (AFDR, Punjab)

Arundhati Roy (Writer)

Prof. Jagmohan Singh (World Sikh News)

Bulu Bahan, (Chhattisgarh)

Madhuri (MP)

Prof. Amit Bhattacharyya

Ajit Bhuyan (Editor, Asomiya Pratidin)

Prashant Bhushan

Shashi Bhushan Pathak (PUCL Jharkhand)

Bernard D’Mello (Deputy Editor, EPW)

Lachit Bordoloi (MASS, Assam)

Dr. N Venuh (NPMHR)

Malem Ningthouja (CPDM, Manipur)

Prof. Seshaiah (APCLC)

Shamsher Singh Bisht (Uttarakhand Lok Vahini)

Lateef Mohd. Khan (Civil Liberties Monitoring Committee)

Kavita Krishnan (CPI-ML)

SAR Geelani (CRPP)

GN Saibaba (RDF)

Santosh Mahapatra (Orissa)

Jan Hastakhsep

Struggle India

IFTU

PUDR

PUCL

NBS

JNU Forum Against War on People

DU Campaign Against War on People

BD Sharma, Arundhati Roy, Tripta Wahi, Vijay Singh, Correspondence, Campaign Against War on People, Committee Against Violence On Women (CAVOW), Naga Students Union Delhi (NSUD), Navjawan Bharat Sabha (NBS), KRALOS, KLAS, Krantikari Yuva Sanghathan (KYS), PFD, PUCL, MKP, Campaign for Peace & Democracy Manipur (CPDM), DSU, CRPP, DGMF, People’s Front (PF), Mazdoor Ekta Manch (MEM), Left Democratic Teacher’s Front (LDTF), RDF, PDFI, CPI (ML) (New Democracy), CPI (ML) (Liberation), CPI (ML) (New Proletarian) and others

No More Bhopals! 35,000 Killed Over 25 Years


25 years ago, on the night of 2-3 December 1984, a terrible gas leak from the American multinational Union Carbide’s pesticide factory resulted, over the years, in the death of over 35,000 people and the chronic illness of over 3 lakh [300,000] people, of whom over 1 lakh were permanently maimed.

The victims continue to fight for proper compensation, rehabilitation, livelihoods, decontamination of soil and water and criminal action against those responsible. Here i'm posting for my readers an article from March 2008 describing the efforts of survivors to receive justice, and the announcement of a 25th anniversary program in Bhopal sponsored by the Jan Sangarsh Morcha (Madhya Pradesh).

Survivors of Bhopal Gas Tragedy March to Demand Justice


Shuriah Niazi, Toward Freedom
On February 20th, more than a hundred survivors of the Bhopal gas tragedy and their supporters began an 800 kilometers walk from Bhopal to New Delhi to remind the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of the promises he did not keep. Organizations such as Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Stationery Karmachari Sangh, Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Purush Sangharsh Morcha and Bhopal Group for Information and Action are leading this “Padyatra.”They are demanding that the Prime Minister begin an empowered commission on Bhopal for medical care and rehabilitation of the Bhopal victims and their children.

Almost twenty three years after the Union Carbide gas disaster, Bhopal continues to gasp for breath. So far, authorities have failed to provide a clean and healthy environment for the thousands of citizens who inhaled the poisonous gas on December 2-3 in 1984, suffering irreversible lung damage. These survivors, mostly concentrated in Atal Ayub Nagar, JP Nagar and Arif Nagar, still use water polluted by the toxins left behind by the US multinational.

Groundwater contamination arising out of toxic waste from the Bhopal gas tragedy threatens the health of an entire new generation of the city’s inhabitants. About 8,000 tons of toxic waste still lies scattered and exposed on the premises of the Union Carbide factory in Bhopal. Now, decades after the world’s worst industrial disaster, these toxins have seeped into the city’s groundwater, according to environmental studies conducted by both the government and civil society groups. Though this information was even accepted by a court in the United States, the Indian authorities have done little to address the issue.

Although studies conducted over the years have arrived at roughly the same conclusion regarding groundwater contamination, it’s only now that the Madhya Pradesh government says it’s ready to take the case of the gas victims to the Central Government.

“Our state pollution control board filed a report that confirms that there is contamination of groundwater and we are ready to take the matter to the Union government,” said Ajay Bishnoi, Minister for Gas and Rehabilitation.

Scientific studies have proven that the toxic waste, containing harmful metals like mercury and dangerous pesticides and pollutants, has seeped into underground water reserves. The areas affected include Ayub Nagar, Kainchi Chhola, Arif Nagar, Dashhehra Maidan, Chandbari and Garib Nagar.

“We believe that around 40,000 people in localities close to the plant have been drinking the contaminated water for the last several years,” says Abdul Jabbar, a crusader for the rights of survivors of the tragedy.

“The water is not colorless and it tastes bitter. We know it is harmful for our health but we have no option. Also, due to financial constraints, I cannot move to some other place,” says Rashid Khan, a resident of Arif Nagar, who lost both his father and brother to the tragedy. He himself suffers breathing problems resulting from exposure to the deadly methyl isocyanate gas.

Shanta, another gas victim, says, “We have seen many things in the last few decades after the tragedy, now we believe that government should act fast.”

Forty seven year old Asghar says, “We want justice from the government. We also want that the government should pay adequate compensation to us.”

Activists’ claims have been backed by several studies over the years that say residents of the area have been drinking highly contaminated water that is injurious to human health. One such study, conducted by the public health engineering department in 1998, stated: “Large areas of Bhopal city, consisting of 10 wards, were badly affected by the disastrous methyl isocyanate gas leak. This gas has badly polluted the environment not only of the locality but also underground water reserves.”

In 1999, a Greenpeace study observed: “The water has been contaminated to a thousand times more than the average drinking water standards acceptable in developed countries.” According to a study conducted by the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (NEERI), Nagpur, water in the factory area recorded a high concentration of toxic waste, indicating the possibility of contamination at great depths. Likewise, a 1998 study by the Boston Citizen Environmental Laboratory claimed that water had been contaminated to a dangerous level.

Digvijay Singh, former chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, who governed the state from 1993 to 2003, always denied that underground water reserves were contaminated. To prove the point, then minister in charge of gas relief and rehabilitation, Arif Aqueel, drank water from taps located in areas around the plant.

In recent years, there has been some recognition of the plight of Bhopal’s residents. In a March 2004 judgment, an appellate court in the US held Union Carbide responsible for groundwater contamination. The court also declared that those affected by drinking contaminated water should receive compensation. Each day, about 4,500 patients queue up at government run outpatient departments complaining of respiratory diseases, stomach ailments, dysentery and nervous system disorders. The doctors at Hamidia and Bhopal hospitals consider the inflow alarming for most of these ailments – some passed on to the second generation – can be traced back to methly isocynate (MIC) gas. It had killed 16,000 people in 1984 and permanently harmed more than five lakh.

Eight years ago, volunteers of Greenpeace, along with representatives of the Bhopal communities, visited the Carbide plant and assessed the conditions at the factory site and its surrounding areas. They found stockpiles of toxic pesticides and hazardous waste scattered all around. There has been no improvement in the situation even today. The survey revealed contamination of land and ground water supplied as drinking water to inhabitants near the abandoned plant with heavy metal and chlorinated chemicals, including chloroform and carbon tetrachloride. The solid samples also showed contamination by lead, nickel, copper, chromium, chlorobenzene, Sevin and hexachlorocyclohexane.

Indeed, there is no parallel to the December 1984 Bhopal gas tragedy in terms of the magnitude of destruction and the number of deaths. But the process of rendering justice to the victims has proved to be a deplorable legal tragedy. While the criminal case against those responsible for the disaster has been proceeding in the Bhopal District Court at a snail’s pace, the civil case seeking due compensation has been closed after the Indian Government and UCC arrived at a settlement before the Supreme Court in 1989. Under the settlement, UCC and its Indian subsidiary, UCIL, agreed to pay, and did pay, $470 million to the Government of India on behalf of all the victims.

Since then, the survivors of the tragedy have been questioning the unjust nature of the settlement and improper consideration of the compensation claims of individual victims and survivors. Besides, survivors deplored the extent of indifference within India to the magnitude of the tragedy, and its continuing consequences for the health of the survivors and their families.

The settlement clearly shows a double standard in treating victims of industrial disasters in India and elsewhere. Union Carbide and eight other companies paid US $ 4.2 billion as potential damages for Silicon Breast Implants to 650,000 claimants. If the award amount of $470 million were distributed equally among all the victims of Bhopal disaster each would get around $200. Many of the people did not get even that much relief.

The hope of the victims ever to receive justice received a setback with the merger of Union Carbide Corporation with Dow Chemicals. With the merger, UCC has vanished as an entity and Dow became the second largest chemical corporation in the world. In its submission to the Securities and Exchange Commission, USA, Union Carbide has deliberately omitted the mention of pending criminal liabilities of the corporation.

According to a press release issued by Satinath Sarangi of Bhopal Group for Information and Action, the Bhopal “Padyatris” expect to reach New Delhi in the last week of March, when they hope to meet with the Prime Minister. Depending on the response of the Prime Minister the marchers may decide to go on an indefinite fast at the end of their 800 kilometers long march.

Information and Action: Bhopal. Net — International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal

Monday, November 23, 2009

War Against the Maoists: But Who Are They and What Do They Want


This article was published in Radical Notes, November 19, 2009.

Author's Note: This is meant to be a simple and brief exposition of the goals and strategies of the Maoist movement in India for people who may not have much awareness about it and are confused by the propaganda in the mainstream media. This does not go into the arcane debates about mode of production in India, the debates among communist revolutionaries over strategy and tactics etc. This aims at people who, for example, are perplexed why the Maoists, instead of trying to ensure safe drinking water like an NGO, rather, often resort to violent activities against the Government

War Against the Maoists: But Who Are They and What Do They Want

Rita Khanna


The Indian government is launching a full-scale war against the Maoist rebels and the people led by them in different parts of the country. The initial battles, without any formal announcement, have already started. For this purpose, they intend to deploy about 75,000 security personnel in parts of Central and Eastern India, including Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Jharkhand. The government will organize its regular air-force in addition to paramilitary and specially trained COBRA forces. The air-force has begun to extend its logistic support.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Home Minister P. Chidambaram have declared the Maoist rebels to be ‘the biggest internal security threat’ to India and a hindrance to ‘development’. The mainstream media seem to have taken them at their face value. Their publications and television programmes seem to be building a war-hysteria against the Maoist rebels regardless of the fact that this attack by the government will be directed against some of the most deprived of the Indian people. Indeed this is turning into a war of the state against its own people!

While paying lip service at times to the notion that the current people’s insurgency led by the Maoist rebels has its root in decades of vicious exploitation of the poor, especially the dalits and tribals, the blare of government propaganda tries to convince us that the Maoist rebels are dangerous, blood-thirsty terrorists determined to establish their areas of influence. The Government is preaching that the Maoists can go to any extent to maintain their influence in these areas – by either preventing the government from undertaking development activities or using the power of their guns, killing disobedient individuals. Their ideology is to terrorise the common people, wrest power from the democratically elected governments and destroy the entire fabric of the society.

The government and the media want us to believe that the only people, apart from a few romantic misguided intellectuals, who willingly support Maoists are the poor, ignorant, uneducated, uninformed tribal people. They seem to claim that no sensible, intelligent person living in a society like ours would support them voluntarily. But is this a true picture?

Could it be that the Maoist rebels are supporting and organizing the poor, exploited people to fight oppression, to establish a more egalitarian society where the wealth of our growing economy will be spread among all, not merely among a very small minority? Could it be that in the name of suppressing the Maoists, the state is going all out to break the backbone of these poor peoples’ fight? Could it be that the government is planning to wage a war, in our name, against our own sisters and brothers to help line the pockets of the rich?

In this hour of crisis, we must ask those questions that the government seeks to suppress.

What do we really know about the Maoist rebels, their ideology, their plans and programs? Why does the government need to go to war against its own people and inside its own territory? Are the Maoists really blocking development? Who are these Maoists anyway and what do they want?

Let us take one question at a time.

Who are these Maoists?


The Maoists are revolutionaries mainly consisting of the extremely poor people including a large number of dalits and tribals. They come mainly from the toiling masses of India and they are trying to organize the vast population of such masses of this country. They seek to arm and train them so that these masses can resist the onslaught of the rich. In this effort they go beyond the idea that mass movements should focus on some specific issues like increase of wages, better health care, more honesty of public servants and so forth.

The view of the Maoist rebels is that the poor and exploited people must first and foremost establish their own democratic political power and their own state power in various places. This is because without controlling state power, the poor and the exploited can at most hope for only limited improvements in their living conditions, i.e., so long as it does not inconvenience the rich who usually control the state power. So, the Maoists mobilize the poor to fight against the existing state, even armed fight if possible, as they consider the existing state to be a set of agents acting for the big multinational corporations, rich landlords and the wealthy in general.

The fight is an extremely challenging and unequal one as the rich are aided by the government bureaucrats, the police and even the military. Also, contrary to what the Government and the mainstream media are propagating, the Maoist rebels are actually completely opposed to individual killings, they openly denigrate such stray terrorism-like acts. What they have been attempting to build up is a mass movement, even armed, to take on the violence of the ruling classes and its representative state machinery.

The Maoist movement was born in India in the late 1960s, after a radical section of political workers broke away mainly from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM) because they felt the CPIM and other such parties like CPI, RSP, etc. had discredited themselves with their opportunist politics of placating and compromising with the rich. The movement has a long history of development. The present party, CPI (Maoist), came into being in 2004 by the merger of a number of fraternal organizations.


Is development in India arrested because the Maoist rebels are blocking it?

What is the state of the people of India at present? With its current high rate of growth, this is also a country of abject poverty and extreme inequality. Home to 24 billionaires (second largest in Asia according to Forbes), India can also boast of 230 million people who go to bed on a half empty stomach (World Hunger Report).

A country whose economy grows at 9% cannot feed its own population – at least 50% of the people live below the official poverty line and 47% of children below the age of three are underweight (World Bank report, Undernourished children: A call for reform and action). In this so called ‘hub of knowledge economy’, only 11% of the total population can afford higher education and 50% of the students drop out before class eight to start living as casual labourers (Education Statistics, Ministry of Human Resource Development). This is true of most of India not just the areas where Maoist influence and control is high. Then how can we say that development in India is being blocked by Maoists?

Maoists do not oppose `development’ at all, they only oppose the `pro-rich development’ at the expense of destitution or often total destruction of the poor. For example, in Dandakaranya region of Chhattisgarh they oppose setting up of helipads but there, the poor themselves, led by the Maoist rebels, have built irrigation tanks and wells for help in agriculture something the Indian government did not bother to do. The Indian government routinely blames the Maoist rebels that they blow up schools! But what the Government tries to suppress is that these blown-up school buildings were actually being used or requisitioned to become camps for security personnel!


And what changes do they want? Why do they want these changes?

(1) Overhauling the entire structure of oppression instead of piecemeal reforms


In addition to all the woes described above, India is also a country, where thousands of Muslims can be butchered in broad daylight by fascist Hindu forces (the most widespread and gruesome such pogrom in recent times happened in Gujarat in 2002), while the ministers and police look the other way. And these features are not stray results of the misdeeds of a few villains. The existing socio-political system in India has a built-in mechanism which ensures that the common masses would be oppressed by a rich and powerful few. Widespread systemic violence is required and is routinely applied by the Indian state so that common people remain disciplined and do not revolt in the face of oppression


(2) Land to the tillers and destruction of the landlord class


About 60% of the Indian population is still dependent on agriculture. However the primary input, land, is predominantly concentrated in the hands of a few landlords and big farmers. Close to 60 percent of rural households are effectively landless [NSS report]. The elite in the villages, by their collusion with the corrupt politicians and bureaucrats have blocked any meaningful land reforms. In the last four decades the proportion of households with little or no land (landless and marginal farmer households) has increased steadily from 66% to 80%. On the other hand the top ten percent rural households own more land now than in 1951 (Source: NSS report).The Maoist revolutionaries want to change this to ensure equitable distribution of land. They do not deter from collective armed fight of the landless and poor peasants and the poor rural labourers against the existing state power for achieving this goal.

(3) Freedom from moneylenders and traders


Indebtedness in rural India has been increasing by leaps and bounds especially in the recent decades. Public rural banks are closing down due to relaxation of government regulation. Therefore, instead of securing credits from public institutional sources, rural folk are now being forced to approach the village money lenders (who are often big landlords or rich farmers as well) on a larger and larger scale. Unscrupulous traders are adding to the misery of the poor peasants. They sell spurious inputs to small and marginal peasants at exorbitant prices. They also make huge profits by buying their harvest at throwaway prices and selling them in urban areas at a premium.

Not-so-well-off peasants, in this no-win situation, of course end up needing substantial credit. Private moneylenders and various for-profit financial companies take advantage of this situation by extracting enormous sums from peasants. Interest rate could be as high as 5% per month. The BBC News reported that more than 200,000 farmers have committed suicide in India since 1997 under the pressure of such indebtedness. The Maoist rebels want to change this



(4) End of caste system and eradication of untouchability

It is well known that the caste system is still thriving in India. Economically it keeps the overwhelming majority of the people in dire poverty and politically it suppresses their fundamental democratic rights. Often the lower castes are robbed of their human dignity. They are even denied access to public facilities like some sources of drinking water, schools etc. An expert group of the planning commission reports that in 70% villages lower caste people cannot enter places of worship and in more than 50% villages they don’t have access to common water sources (Expert committee report to the Planning Commission).According to an NCDHR report, on average, 27 atrocities (including murder, abduction and rape) against dalits take place every day. The well-off landed sections in the villages still come mainly from the upper castes. They use brahminical ideology to try to keep all other sections of the population under domination. The same is true for usurers, merchants, hoarders, quarry owners, contractors–all mainly come from the upper castes. In short, the upper castes are still very much in command in all aspects of rural life. Often with their own private army of goondas they run a parallel raj. The Maoists want to break this stranglehold of the upper castes and ensure equal rights for dalits and adivasis.


(5) Freedom from exploitation by foreign multinationals and its local partners


Since 1991, foreign capital in alliance with big capitalists like Reliance, Tata and state bureaucrats, has penetrated vast sectors of the Indian economy. Every sphere of our life, starting from road construction, electricity generation, communication networks to food retail, health and education are under direct control of this coterie. In the name of ‘development’ thousands of acres of land are being transferred to big business and multinationals. For example, in Bastar, Chattisgarh, in the name of Bodh Ghat dam, tens of thousands of Adivasis are being forcibly evicted from their “jal-jangal-zameen” (water-forest-land). In Niyamgiri, Orissa the land which is the abode of several Dongria tribes has been handed over to the multinational Vedanta group which will completely destroy the livelihood of these tribes affecting more than 20,000 people. The state government and the mainstream opposition parties of the state are actively supporting such activities. The Maoists, over the years, have been resisting such plunder.

(6) Ensuring people’s democratic rights


It is well known that elections are often a sham in India. The parliament, as we have seen several times, is a bazaar where the rich and the super-rich can buy the MPs. According to ADR (Association of Democratic Reform), the average asset of an MP has gone up to 5.12 crore in 2009 from Rs 1.8 crore in 2004. In our democracy the erstwhile rajas and maharajas, like Scindias, are still proliferating and controlling the local economy and polity at many places.

And we also know the state of judicial system in our country. Salman Khans and Sanjeev Nandas can kill by running cars over common people and still they can escape the law for very long, perhaps forever. B.N. Kirpal, the judge, who arbitrarily ordered that Indian rivers be interlinked, ignoring the resulting ecological and human calamity, joined the environmental board of Coca-Cola after he retired. The Maoists want to establish people’s court where poor people can get true justice. In fact, such courts run in many places where the Maoist movement is strong.

(7) Self-determination for the nationalities

The Indian government ruthlessly suppresses national aspirations of a number of people. These people and their land became part of India by accident – because the British raj annexed their homeland or a despotic king wanted their land to be a part of India. Lakhs of Indian troops have been deployed in Kashmir and north-eastern states to curb such struggles of the people in these states for their national self-determination. Since 1958, AFSPA has been imposed in north-eastern states, which allows armed forces to conduct search and seizure without warrant, to arrest without warrant, to destroy any house without any verification and to shoot to kill with full impunity. In Kashmir, there is 1 military personnel for every 15 civilian. Cold blooded murders, like those of Thangjam Manorama Devi, Chungkham Sanjit, Neelofar and Asiya Jan, are carried out frequently in the name of ‘countering terrorism’. The Maoist rebels seek to establish freedom of self determination for all nationalities.

So, to sum up, the new society the Maoists want to establish will have the following components:

–Land to the poor and landless. Later on cooperative farming is to be established on voluntary basis.

–Forest to the tribal people.

–End of rule of the rich and the upper caste in villages and uprooting of caste system. Uproot all discriminations based on gender and religion.

–Seizure of the ill gotten wealth and assets of multinational corporations and their local Indian partners.

–Self determination for the nationalities, political autonomy for the tribes.

–Establish a state by the poor, for the poor where the present day exploiters would be expropriated.

–Participation of people in day to day administrative work and decision making. Democracy at the true grassroot level with people having the power to recall its democratic representatives.

In summary: ensuring that all types of freedom, rights and democracy for all sections of toiling masses.

What have the Maoists-led people’s struggles achieved so far?


Information in this section is taken, purposely, from the expert group report to the planning commission, which is available on the web.

Contrary to what the media try to portray, the government’s own report says that the movement led by the Maoist rebels cannot be seen as simply blowing up of police stations and killing individual people. It encompasses mass organization. Mass participation in militant protest has always been a characteristic of such mobilisation


Although the Maoists by their own admission are engaged in a long term people’s struggle against the oppression by the present India state, their movement has already achieved some short term successes in improving the condition of the poor people.

Maoist movement in India was built around the demand of ‘land to the tillers’. Numerous struggles, led by the Maoists, have been fought all over the country especially in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, to free land from the big landholding families. In many such cases landlords have been driven away from the villages and their land has been put in the possession of the landless poor. But the police and paramilitary do not allow the poor to cultivate such lands. In Bihar, landless Musahars, the lowest among the Dalits have struggled and have taken possession of fallow Government land. This has had the support of Maoists.

Under the leadership of the Maoists the adivasis have reclaimed forest land on an extensive scale in Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, the Vidarbha region of Maharashtra, Orissa and Jharkhand. The adivasis displaced by irrigation projects in Orissa had to migrate to the forests of Visakhapatnam district of Andhra Pradesh in large numbers. The forest department officials harassed and evicted them on a regular basis. The movement led by the Maoists put an end to this.

In rural India the Minimum Wages Act remains an act on paper only. In the forest areas of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Maharashtra, and Jharkhand, non-payment of the legal wages was a major source of exploitation of adivasi labourer. Maoists-led struggles have put an effective end to it. These struggles have secured increases in the rate of payment for picking tendu leaves (used for rolling beedies), washing clothes, making pots, tending cattle, repairing implements etc. The exploitation previously had been so severe that as a result of the sustained movement led by Maoists the pay rates of tendu leaves collection have over the years increased by fifty times.

The movement has given confidence to the oppressed to assert their rights and demand respect and dignity from the dominant castes and classes. The everyday humiliation and sexual exploitation of labouring women of dalit and tribal communities by upper caste men has been successfully fought. Forced labour, begari, by which the toiling castes had to provide obligatory service for free to the upper castes was also put an end to in many parts of the country.

In rural India, disputes are commonly taken to the rich and powerful of the village (who are generally the landlords) and caste panchayats, where the dispensation of justice is in favour of the rich and powerful. The Maoist movement has provided a mechanism, usually described as the ‘People’s Court’ whereby these disputes are resolved in the interests of the wronged party.

Why then, does the government need to go to war against its own people led by these rebels instead of hailing them as true patriots?

There is a simple answer. Chattisgarh, Orissa are rich in mineral wealth that can be sold to the highest multinational bidder. The only obstacle standing between the corrupt politicians and ALL THIS MONEY are the poor, disenfranchised tribal people (and the Maoists leading them). So, this war. This is not something new in India or for that matter in other parts of the world. Mobutu’s corrupt regime selling off the Belgian Congo piece by piece to the US, Belgium and other countries comes to mind. In the sixty years of independence from direct colonial rule, the Indian state has been doing the same. It has systematically impoverished the overwhelming majority to serve the interest of a powerful few and their foreign friends.

The impending war to evict the tribal people from their villages, in the pretext of eliminating the Maoists, will be fought at the behest of big corporations, who want to control and plunder our resources such as mineral, water and forest. It is high time that we recognize this pattern of waging war which will be fought by the poor on both sides, but will benefit only the big capitalists and their cheerleaders in the government.

Note
: For an interested reader, the webpage: bannedthought.net contains an enormous wealth of information about the Maoist rebels, including their own documents.



















Sunday, November 22, 2009

Operation Green Hunt Cartoon: Tribal Maoist vs. Indian State and Capitalists


(“Vadi” is a person who advocates or promotes. This cartoon shows the tribal person, defending the land and advocating Maoism vs. the repressive forces behind the MoUs (Memorandums of Understanding), the contracts to seize tribal lands for big Indian capitalists and multinational corporations.)

Wednesday, November 18, 2009

NDF Philippines: Mindanao Could Become Another Afghanistan

This summary is not available. Please click here to view the post.

Social Transformation and the Question of Poitical Violence

This article appeared in the blog dsujnu.blogspot.com

Social Transformation and the Question of Poitical Violence

“Force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one.” – Karl Marx


At a time when the spectre of Maoism is haunting India’s ruling classes, a vehement debate has been launched by the media, academics, and intellectuals on the question of violence. The likes of Manmohan-Chidambaram-Buddhadeb have also been referring to it of late, by making constant ‘appeals’ or threats to the revolutionary forces to ‘abjure violence’. As if the masters of the country who never lose sleep over the violence caused by the present exploitative system leading to the death of lakhs of indebted peasants, millions of stillborn and malnourished children, or the tens of thousands perishing in the absence of the very basic health facilities, the three hundred women who die in pregnancy or child-birth everyday in the country, or for that matter the 77% of the population living on an average daily income of less than Rs.20, has been rudely awakened by the practice of political violence by the revolutionary masses. Simplistic and false distinctions between democratic struggle vs. armed struggle, mass movement vs. ‘militarism’ etc. have also been resurrected, reflections of which are seen in the present political discourse in JNU as well.

Such facile debates on violence play down the fascist violence unleashed in the vast countryside by the feudal lords, rich peasants, village strongmen and their armed goons over the small and marginal peasants, dalit landless labourers and adivasi peasants. It does not recognise the coercive extraction of surplus labour by big capitalists from millions of workers in the ‘unorganised sector’, existing in the state of bondage or semi-bondage. The cacophony over ‘violence’ seeks to submerge the anguish of the classes and sections who have suffered forcenturies the burden of exploitative and regressive production relations in our society, replete with daily violence. It conveniently covers up the forcible and violent subjugation of a whole people or nation in the name of ‘territorial integrity’, as the experience of Kashmir, North East or Punjab exemplifies. For the oppressed masses, violence is an everyday experience, a fact of life. They know it well, as they are the targets of this violence. For Marxists too, violence has never been the central issue. What is central is the question of putting an end to the exploitation of one human being by another and of one class by another, through revolutionary social transformation.

Revolutionary social transformation is the essence of Marxism: The great teachers of Marxism, including Marx himself, emphasised the absolute necessity of the use of force in order to overthrow the exploitative classes and for the capture of political power by the oppressed. Marx and Engels in the concluding paragraph of the Communist Manifesto wrote, “The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” While summarising the concrete historical experiences of Paris Commune, the first ever worker’s government that “stormed heaven” and overthrew the bourgeoisie from the seat of power in 1871 through armed insurrection, Marx stressed the need of the proletariat to organise and arm itself in order to defeat the bourgeoisie and to defend the victories of the revolution. On the eve of the Bolshevik Revolution, Lenin emphatically upheld the necessity of revolutionary violence in his State and Revolution, “the liberation of the oppressed class is impossible not only without a violent revolution, but also without the destruction of the apparatus of state power which was created by the ruling class”. Mao, who was at the helm of the Chinese Revolution and who developed the strategies and tactics of revolution in the colonial and semi-colonial context, noted that “the seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of the issue by war, is the central task and the highest form of revolution.” No wonder, the question of violence that has been so clearly addressed by generations of Marxist revolutionaries, is deliberately obfuscated not only by the proclaimed anti-Marxist, but also by the pseudo-communists who have deviated from the path of class struggle and socialism. By criminalising the armed resistance and revolutionary violence of the oppressed, they openly or implicitly facilitate and justify the repression of the rulers, thereby siding with the oppressors in the violent class struggle.

Revolutionary social transformation and the capture of political power by the oppressed is not possible without revolutionary violence: The theory and practice of Marxism as well as the history of worldwide communist movement shows that no radical reordering of the society is possible without the oppressed classes confronting the violence of the oppressors with revolutionary violence. The quest for maintaining ‘peace’ and ‘order’ in any society with exploitative social relations, is nothing but a ploy of the ruling classes to continue unhindered the existing exploitative system. The Indian ruling classes is also no exception to this. Even India’s First War of Independence in 1857 or the various tribal rebellions during the colonial period were violently suppressed by the British colonial army. The agrarian armed struggle of Telangana under Communist leadership was crushed by Nehru’s Congress government after the transfer of power in 1947 through the deployment of Indian Army. Similarly, the national liberation struggle led by the Mizo National Front in the North East was quelled by the use of army and air force, which also involved the forced displacement and ‘clustering’ of 80% of the total Mizo population in resettled villages. The national liberation movements of the people of Kashmir, Nagalim, Manipur or Asom etc., who have been fighting to achieve the democratic right of self-determination, have likewise been confronted militarily by the Indian state. ‘Peace’ in Punjab was established in 1980s through a violent extermination campaign that culminated in the storming of the Golden Temple by the Indian security forces during ‘Operation Blue Star’. The violence perpetrated in all these cases, which have confronted the ruling classes of the country, has been variously justified by the ruling classes and their political parties, including those wearing the mask of communists, the CPI and later the CPI(M). Most of these movements have strived for democratic revolutions under the leadership of their respective national bourgeoisie. The Indian ruling class comprising of the feudal and comprador big bourgeoisie however has repeatedly resorted brutal suppression of the revolutionary potential of these people’s movements and their democratic aspirations through the use of the state and its coercive apparatus, primarily the armed forces.

The character of the present Indian society, the tasks of the Indian revolution, and the necessity of armed struggle: The Communist Party of India followed a revisionist policy from its very inception, and tailed the Congress during anti-colonial movement. After 1947, the undivided CPI got enmeshed in the quagmire of parliamentarism, the question of revolution being never seriously addressed. The CPI(M) too had a similar analysis about the Indian society as CPI, for whom sharing of political power with the ruling classes through parliamentary elections became the single-point agenda. It was the great Naxalbari armed agrarian uprising in 1967 which blazed the trail of revolution in the subcontinent, combining revolutionary theory with practice. Hailed as the ‘Spring Thunder’, the Naxalbari movement for the first time correctly analysed the character of the Indian state and society, its class composition, and the need of armed struggle. Quite contrary to the understanding of CPI, CPI(M) and other such revisionist forces, which characterised the Indian society as bourgeois democratic, the Naxalbari movement established the semi-feudal and semi-colonial character of the Indian society. It identified the Indian state as the combined class-rule of feudalism, comprador big bourgeoisie and imperialism, who are the targets of the Indian revolution. The task was to bring in the New Democratic Revolution under the leadership of the proletarian party. ‘Land to the tiller’ became one of the important programs of the revolution, which mobilised the landless and small peasants. This also gave the framework to understand the caste question with all its significance from a Marxist perspective, a question which was so far ignored or brushed aside by the revisionist communist parties.

Since the contradiction between the broad masses and feudalism was identified by the Naxal movement as the primary class contradiction in the Indian society, the fight against feudal exploitation and state oppression was conducted through armed agrarian struggle, on the basis of worker-peasant alliance. In the period of 1967-74, the Naxalbari movement made initial efforts to implement the strategy and tactics of protracted people’s war through area-wise seizure of power, building base areas in the countryside, and developing people’s revolutionary power by replacing the power of the Indian ruling class. Though the movement suffered serious setback due to severe repression in the ’70s, Naxalbari showed the oppressed masses of the entire subcontinent the path of liberation through an intensified class struggle against their oppressors, whereas the revisionists offered only class collaboration. Naxalbari was a clear break from those who have abandoned the path of Marxism, and rejected revolutionary violence in the name of ‘democracy’, or for ‘making use’ of the parliament. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism became the political weapon of the people, while armed struggle for capturing political power the strategy. 42 years of Naxalbari’s glorious legacy has proved beyond doubt that in the Indian social reality, it is the only path of revolutionary social transformation. To ask the revolutionary masses to ‘abjure’ violence therefore is to ask them to give up Marxism, and class struggle. As long as the ruling classes retain its powers to exploit and oppress through open and systemic violence, political violence of the oppressed will continue to be relevant, justified, and necessary.

Naxalism is not the problem, it is the solution: The expansion of the revolutionary movement over the last four decades to a vast region of central, eastern and southern India has now strengthened to become the ‘largest internal security threat’ for the ruling classes. The people, particularly the adivasi masses, have successfully overthrown the old exploitative system in large swathes of Dandakaranya, and are creating in its place embryonic forms of people’s government (Janatana Sarkar). The masses are now running their own affairs throughrevolutionary people’s committees, ushering in a people-centric development. They are also defending the gains of the movement by building armed people’s militia, involving the entire population. They have fought back state violence perpetrated through the armed forces or Salwa Judum, and successfully prevented the corporate loot of their resources. The present war on people is nothing but an intensification of the class struggle between the rulers and the ruled, moving towards an all-encompassing civil war. The world-wide economic crisis is pushing the Indian state towards intensified exploitation of the people and their resources, whereas the mass resistance is also taking more militant form, drawing large sections of the oppressed classes towards the revolutionary movement. In such a volatile context, there is every possibility that the present imperialist crisis will turn into a revolutionary one. History has shown that the crises of imperialism have weakened the domestic and imperialist ruling classes, thereby paving the way for revolution. The question therefore is not of choosing violence over non-violence, but of Marxism over revisionism and fascism, of freedom over exploitation and injustice.

Tuesday, November 17, 2009

Should We Have Talked to the Chhattisgarhi Mother?



Mainstream, Tuesday 17 November 2009, by Somnath Mukherji

The much anticipated Operation Green Hunt has started in fits and starts. It is a high stake hunt. The government is waiting to re-assert its authority in the forested reaches of Central India. The corporations are waiting for unhindered access to the wealth underneath the land. The Maoists are [perhaps] waiting for the atrocities to begin so that the discontent takes deeper roots into the hearts and minds of the adivasis. And the adivasis...what are they waiting for? We do not know. We do not know because we never asked them.

The Chhattisgarh State Government never asked them when framing the industrial policy of the State that discouraged all cottage industries and occupations that could have benefited small endeavours by communities. The adivasis were never asked whether they wanted to do agriculture on their land or vacate it en-masse for steel, bauxite and iron-ore processing plants. In fact, on October 12, at the public hearing for Tata’s mega steel project, villagers were prevented by security forces from attending it. The project was cleared in the presence of a staged audience of 50 people without a hitch. The proposed plant will churn out 5.5 million tonnes of steel annually that will be needed to build, bridges, flyovers, malls, cars, high rises—almost everything that the adivasis from Lohandiguda will never use. A total of 10 villages will be displaced from 2044 hectares of land. A few hours away by bus, Essar is to set up a steel plant of similar capacity.

Very few journalists went out of their way to find out if the feelings of the adivasis were hurt after their villages were torched or their harvest looted; if they felt resentful when the government-backed vigilante, the Salwa Judum, smoked them out and herded them into camps. By December 2007, fifty thousand of them, according to a Human Rights Watch report, were being held inside 24 barbed wired camps in unhygienic conditions. The media went where the state directed it—to the schools blown up by Maoists or to the site of the truck that overran an IED. The adivasi was neatly kept out of the reports filed from the sites of these ghastly attacks. The media never reported that close to 300,000 people have been rendered homeless by the senseless violence, not just from guns but also from the paradigm of development that seems to being ushered in on six-lane highways.

The hallways of Raipur and Delhi were so abuzz with discussions on M-O-Us and M-A-Os that everyone forgot about the 65,000 adivasis who fled into neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. Did they want to go back and live in their homes on their lands? Did they want to live at all? They were no one’s problem. Where were they to go to complain about the rapes and loots? Police? Judiciary? When they did muster up the courage to file complaints aided by civil organisations, the state lashed out at the organisations. Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA), a Gandhian organisation, has been working for two decades in empowering tribal communities around Dantewada. On May 17, the state power was on full display when the ashram of VCA was razed to the ground under the watchful eyes of 500 strong CRPF personnel.

The crimes of the VCA had been unpardonable —they have helped to file more than 500 complaints [none of which have been acted upon till now] on behalf of the adivasis, for rape, loot, torture and murder against the law enforcement agencies and the Salwa Judum. The VCA also had the temerity to petition the Bilaspur High Court against the against the police encounter in Singaram where 19 “Maoists” were killed. The villagers claimed the dead to be their unarmed relatives. Ever since then the VCA’s staff has been threatened and assaulted to strike fear so that their voice is stifled—a gentle admonition from the powerful state not to act impudently. After all, the state had already set an example by keeping Dr Binayak Sen in jail for over two years on trumped-up charges. It was a reaffirmation of the state’s with-us-or-against-us logic and for the others to draw lessons from it. Look, the state seems to say, we don’t care what you do in your spare time whether it is reducing infant and maternal mortality, or saving the fast vanishing bio-diversity, don’t dare question our logic of either arming civilians or co-opting the role of media in a democracy. The sentiments of the state have often been faithfully echoed by refined intellectuals who profess to capture the complexity of the whole situation in the length of their columns and decry the nonsense the activist-types spout. The nonsensical activists are perhaps the only actors that can stop the brutalisation of the adivasis through peaceful negotiations.

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No one went to the Gonds or the Gothikoyas and explained to them that the Constitution of India, the country in which they live, has special provisions to protect their lands under the Fifth Schedule. The Ministry of Tribal Affairs has certainly not been in touch with them. As if it was not enough protection, the Forests Rights Act of 2006 ensured the rights of the Scheduled Tribes and forest dwelling communities over their land and common property natural resources. Or perhaps, the woman from Lingagiri misunderstood the Act and ran away from her home when her village was raided and gave birth to her son in the forest. Perfect plot for an English thriller to be read while waiting for a flight that never seems to be on time. And you must have guessed the name of the boy by now—son of the forest, Adavi Ramadu. Fact and fiction are so tightly interlaced in Lingagiri that it seems unreal.

When the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) did finally go to Dantewada after “activist” people like Prof Nandini Sundar filed a PIL in the Supreme Court against Salwa Judum for the atrocities perpetrated by them, they were accompanied by a large contingent of armed security personnel. The members of the NHRC team themselves were all IPS officers—a blow to its impartiality. The adivasi women were questioned in the camps in presence of gun-totting security personnel and the Salwa Judum activists—the alleged tormentors. None of the women admitted of rape in such a conducive atmosphere. To the utter surprise and consternation of the the team, the entire village of Chikurubatti ran away at the sight of the approaching team accompanied by armed CRPF jawans. In spite of their best intentions, the team did not get to hear what the adivasis had to say. They did not think that the entire village fleeing said something.

No one asked the adivasis anything. That is the way it is supposed to be. These people belong to the sacrificial stock. With the meditative resolve of a tantric we have sacrificed them at the altar of development. Although tribals constitute eight per cent of India’s population, they are 40 per cent of the 60 milion people displaced by large projects from 1947 to 2004. The people of southern Chhattisgarh might just boost the percentage.

We will mobilise our ground and air forces, enact laws which divide the society along the for-us-against-us lines, send our Ministers and bureaucrats to the US to confer on techniques of anti-terrorism, counter-insurgency and “governance”, hold talk shows after talk shows in ties and imitative body language, sanction crores of rupees for development packages, but one thing we will not do is to take off our blinders and squat next to the mother who delivered in the forest and ask her, “Hey mother of Adavi Ramadu, why did you have to flee your home? What will make your life a little easier?”

The author is a volunteer with the Association for India’s Development and has been working with the VCA in Chhattisgarh and ASDS in Andhra for rehabilitating refugees driven from their homes by the violence in Chhattisgarh.

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