Wednesday, July 29, 2009

I'm Explaining a Few Things


The other day i was reading Neruda. It was the birth day of this legendary poet of the people on 12th this month. For my readers here i post his poem I'm Explaing a Few Things


I'm Explaining a Few Things


You are going to ask: and where are the lilacs?
and the poppy-petalled metaphysics?
and the rain repeatedly spattering
its words and drilling them full
of apertures and birds?
I’ll tell you all the news.

I lived in a suburb,
a suburb of Madrid, with bells,
and clocks, and trees.

From there you could look out
over Castille’s dry face:
a leather ocean.
My house was called
the house of flowers because in every cranny
geraniums burst: it was
a good-looking house
with its dogs and children.
Remember, Raul?
Eh, Rafel? Federico, do you remember
from under the ground
my balconies on which
the light of June drowned flowers in your mouth?
Brother, my brother!
Everything
loud with big voices, the salt of merchandises,
pile-ups of palpitating bread,
the stalls of my suburb of Arguelles with its statue
like a drained inkwell in a swirl of hake:
oil flowed into spoons,
a deep baying
of feet and hands swelled in the streets,
metres, litres, the sharp
measure of life,
stacked-up fish,
the texture of roofs with a cold sun in which
the weather vane falters,
the fine, frenzied ivory of potatoes,
wave on wave of tomatoes rolling down the sea.

And one morning all that was burning,
one morning the bonfires
leapt out of the earth
devouring human beings –
and from then on fire,
gunpowder from then on,
and from then on blood.
Bandits with planes and Moors,
bandits with finger-rings and duchesses,
bandits with black friars spattering blessings
came through the sky to kill children
and the blood of children ran through the streets
without fuss, like children’s blood.

Jackals that the jackals would despise,
stones that the dry thistle would bite on and spit out,
vipers that the vipers would abominate!

Face to face with you I have seen the blood
of Spain tower like a tide
to drown you in one wave
of pride and knives

Treacherous
generals:
see my dead house,
look at broken Spain :
from every house burning metal flows
instead of flowers,
from every socket of Spain
Spain emerges
and from every dead child a rifle with eyes,
and from every crime bullets are born
which will one day find
the bull’s eye of your hearts.

And you’ll ask: why doesn’t his poetry
speak of dreams and leaves
and the great volcanoes of his native land?

Come and see the blood in the streets.
Come and see
The blood in the streets.
Come and see the blood
In the streets!

Monday, June 29, 2009

The Night I Met Einstein



I have heard a lot of people complaining about good cinema or music that they dont understand them. As far they are concerned same is the case with any serious subject be it politics or literature. According to them these are all for intellectuals and not for the people. Its true that some artists and writers have a wrong notion that obscurity is a yardstick for quality. What they have to understand is that any form of art that doesn't communicate with the people can't really be called worthy. However its also true that most artists dont like to make compromises.

This article , i read in an old Reader's Digest Magazine, could help those who think that they can't understand any good art. I think this article can be really a gateway to a whole new world of quality.




The Night I Met Einstein

By Jerome Weidman



When I was a very young man, just beginning to make my way, I was invited to dine at the home of a distinguished New York philanthropist. After dinner our hostess led us to an enormous drawing room. Other guests were pouring in, and my eyes beheld two unnerving sights: servants were arranging small gilt chairs in long, neat rows; and up front, leaning against the wall, were musical instruments. Apparently I was in for an evening of Chamber music.
I use the phrase "in for" because music meant nothing to me. I am almost tone deaf. Only with great effort can I carry the simplest tune, and serious music was to me no more than an arrangement of noises. So I did what I always did when trapped: I sat down and when the music started I fixed my face in what I hoped was an expression of intelligent appreciation, closed my ears from the inside and submerged myself in my own completely irrelevant thoughts.
After a while, becoming aware that the people around me were applauding, I concluded it was safe to unplug my ears. At once I heard a gentle but surprisingly penetrating voice on my right.
"You are fond of Bach?" the voice said.
I knew as much about Bach as I know about nuclear fission. But I did know one of the most famous faces in the world, with the renowned shock of untidy white hair and the ever-present pipe between the teeth. I was sitting next to Albert Einstein.
"Well," I said uncomfortably, and hesitated. I had been asked a casual question. All I had to do was be I equally casual in my reply. But I could see from the look in my neighbor's extraordinary eyes that their owner was not merely going through the perfunctory duties of elementary politeness. Regardless of what value I placed on my part in the verbal exchange, to this man his part in it mattered very much. Above all, I could feel that this was a man to whom you did not tell a lie, however small.
"I don't know anything about Bach," I said awkwardly. "I've never heard any of his music."
A look of perplexed astonishment washed across Einstein's mobile face.
"You have never heard Bach?"
He made it sound as though I had said I'd never taken a bath.
"It isn't that I don't want to like Bach," I replied hastily. "It's just that I'm tone deaf, or almost tone deaf, and I've never really heard anybody's music."
A look of concern came into the old man's face. "Please," he said abruptly, "You will come with me?"
He stood up and took my arm. I stood up. As he led me across that crowded room I kept my embarrassed glance fixed on the carpet. A rising murmur of puzzled speculation followed us out into the hall. Einstein paid no attention to it.
Resolutely he led me upstairs. He obviously knew the house well. On the floor above he opened the door into a book-lined study, drew me in and shut the door.
"Now," he said with a small, troubled smile. "You will tell me, please, how long you have felt this way about music?"
"All my life," I said, feeling awful. "I wish you would go back downstairs and listen, Dr. Einstein. The fact that I don't enjoy it doesn't matter."
He shook his head and scowled, as though I had introduced an irrelevance.
"Tell me, please," he said. "Is there any kind of music that you do like?"
"Well," I answered, "I like songs that have words, and the kind of music where I can follow the tune."
He smiled and nodded, obviously pleased. "You can give me an example, perhaps?"
"Well," I ventured, "almost anything by Bing Crosby."
He nodded again, briskly. "Good!"
He went to a corner of the room, opened a phonograph and started pulling out records. I watched him uneasily. At last he beamed. "Ah!" he said.
He put the record on and in a moment the study was filled with the relaxed, lilting strains of Bing Crosby's "When the Blue of the Night Meets the Gold of the Day." Einstein beamed at me and kept time with the stem of his pipe. After three or four phrases he stopped the phonograph.
"Now," he said. "Will you tell me, please, what you have just heard?"
The simplest answer seemed to be to sing the lines. I did just that, trying desperately to stay on tune and keep my voice from cracking. The expression on Einstein's face was like the sunrise.

"You see!" he cried with delight when I finished. "You do have an ear!"
I mumbled something about this being one of my favorite songs, something I had heard hundreds of times, so that it didn't really prove anything.
"Nonsense!" said Einstein. "It proves everything! Do you remember your first arithmetic lesson in school? Suppose, at your very first contact with numbers, your teacher had ordered you to work out a problem in, say, long division or fractions. Could you have done so?"
"No, of course not."
"Precisely!" Einstein made a triumphant wave with his pipestem. "It would have been impossible and you would have reacted in panic. you would have closed your mind to long division and fractions. As a result, because of that one small mistake by your teacher, it is possible your whole life you would be denied the beauty of long division and fractions."
The pipestem went up and out in another wave.
"But on your first day no teacher would be so foolish. He would start you with elementary things¡ªthen, when you had acquired skill with the simplest problems, he would lead you up to long division and to fractions.
So it is with music." Einstein picked up the Bing Crosby record. "This simple, charming little song is like simple addition or subtraction. You have mastered it. Now we go on to something more complicated."
He found another record and set it going. The golden voice of John McCormack singing "The Trumpeter" filled the room. After a few lines Einstein stopped the record.
"So!" he said. "You will sing that back to me, please?"
I did¡ªwith a good deal of selfconsciousness but with, for me, a surprising degree of accuracy. Einstein stared at me with a look on his face that I had seen only once before in my life: on the face of my father as he listened to me deliver the valedictory address at my high school graduation.
"Excellent!" Einstein remarked when I finished. "Wonderful! Now this!"
"This" proved to be Caruso in what was to me a completely unrecognizable fragment from "Cavalleria Rusticana." Nevertheless, I managed to reproduce an approximation of the sounds the famous tenor had made. Einstein beamed his approval.
Caruso was followed by at least a dozen others. I could not shake my feeling of awe over the way this great man, into whose company I had been thrown by chance, was completely preoccupied by what we were doing, as though I were his sole concern.
We came at last to recordings of music without words, which I was instructed to reproduce by humming. When I reached for a high note, Einstein's mouth opened and his head went back as if to help me attain what seemed unattainable. Evidently I came close enough, for he suddenly turned off the phonograph.
"Now, young man," he said, putting his arm through mine. "We are ready for Bach!"
As we returned to our seats in the drawing room, the players were tuning up for a new selection. Einstein smiled and gave me a reassuring pat on the knee.
"Just allow yourself to listen," he whispered. "That is all."
It wasn't really all, of course. Without the effort he had just poured out for a total stranger I would never have heard, as I did that night for the first time in my life, Bach's "Sheep May Safely Graze." I have heard it many times since. I don't think I shall ever tire of it. Because I never listen to it alone. I am sitting beside a small, round man with a shock of untidy white hair, a dead pipe clamped between his teeth, and eyes that contain in their extraordinary warmth all the wonder of the world.
When the concert was finished I added my genuine applause to that of the others.
Suddenly our hostess confronted us. "I'm so sorry, Dr. Einstein," she said with an icy glare at me, "that you missed so much of the performance."
Einstein and I came hastily to our feet. "I am sorry, too," he said. "My young friend here and I, however, were engaged in the greatest activity of which man is capable."
She looked puzzled. "Really?" she said. "And what is that?"
Einstein smiled and put his arm across my shoulders. And he uttered ten words that¡ªfor at least one person who is in his endless debt¡ªare his epitaph:
"Opening up yet another fragment of the frontier of beauty."

Monday, June 22, 2009

On Lalgarh



Lalgarh in India's West Bengal has literally beocme a burning cauldron. The opressed people who had been suffering under CPI(M)'s fascist misrule is finally putting up stiff resistance to the state terror. The state may succeed in crushing the people's movement for the time being. But it is obvious that they have chosen their path.

The state views the present Lalgarh uprising as the handiwork of "terrorists". But what is the truth. These two articles appeared in the Monthly Review throws light into the reality behind the uprising. One is a fact finding report by the students of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi and another by Koustav De, an activist. And to watch a vedio on this please click here.


Report of Fact-finding Team from JNU on the Eve of Lalgarh Violence

by A Fact-finding Team of Students from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

A fact-finding team of nine students from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) recently visited Lalgarh, to probe into the reality of the ongoing movement of the people in the area. Here we are enclosing the preliminary details of what we saw. We would like to appeal to your daily news channel to also highlight certain issues of the movement, which we feel are not coming to the forefront as much as it should have

We heard through various media and other sources that there had been massive state repression in Lalgarh and other adjacent areas in November 2008, after the attempted mine blast on the convoy of Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. We heard of incidents of rampant police atrocity especially on women and school children in Chhotopelia and Katapahari. We also heard that after that rampage the people there have formed the Pulishi Santrash Birodhi Janasadharoner Committee (PSBJC) and have blockaded Lalgarh and other areas out of police and other administration.

With these preliminary facts we went inside Lalgarh. We stayed there from the 7th of June to the 10th of June, 2009. We visited the Chhotapelia, Katapahari, Bohardanga, Sijua, Dain Tikri, Sindurpur, Madhupur, Babui Basha, Shaluka, Moltola Kadoshol, Basban, Papuria, Komladanga, pukhria, Korengapara, gopalnagar, Khash jongol, Shaalboni, Shaal danga, Andharmari, Darigera, Bhuladanga, Chitaram Dahi, Teshabandh, Bhuladanga villages and talked extensively to people. We attended one big meeting in Lodhashuli called by the Committee and witnessed other small meetings which were held inside the villages. The current firing and frontal battle between the people and the state and CPI(Marxist) (henceforth CPM - ed.) in Dharampura and Madhupur/Shijua had started while we were there. So we believe we have observed many facets of this movement pretty closely.

The visit to Lalgarh and talking closely to people broke many of the myths which we still held before going there. After listening to the chronological narrative of the history of police atrocities in the area, we realized that the November incident was not unique. It was just the continuation of extreme state terror and police atrocities that the people of the regions have tolerated since 2000.

What is unique this time is the resistance.

The people in all the villages virtually demonstrated how police had tortured them, entered houses at the wee hours of night to break everything and beat up people in the name of 'raids', how any movement of the people at night even to look for their cattle was banned, how almost in every family there is someone or the other who had been booked for being a 'Maoist', how 90 year old Maiku Murmu of Teshabandh was beaten to death by the police way back in 2006. Young school girls were regularly molested by the police in the pretext of 'body check', women were forced to show their genitals at night during 'raids' to confirm their gender. Before every election 30-40 people from every village were picked up as 'Maoists' in order to debilitate the opposition. The incident of Chhotopelia, where a number of women were ruthlessly beaten up and one of them Chhitamoni lost her eye, virtually broke the limit of patience of the people. They have now risen up against this long drawn police atrocity.

Coupled with Police terror they talked of CPM terror too. CPM cadres and leaders have only acted as informers to police they said. Today when we saw the jubilation among people after demolishing Anuj Pandey's house, we can understand the emotions of the people. Because what we saw among the people was utter hatred for CPM. They showed us around in Madhupur how the local panchayat office was turned into a camp of the harmad vahini. They told us how the 'motor cycle army' of the harmads zoomed around the villages, terrorizing people, breaking their houses brutally, firing in the air, and beating people up. We talked to one villager whose house was being demolished by the harmad, he helplessly kept calling the police in vein. It was only after an armed resistance was put up that the harmads were forced to retreat to Memul and further to Shijua.

Similarly, they narrated the incident of Khash Jongol, where, because of the lack of armed preparedness from the Committee, the harmads abruptly entered with the help of the police and opened fire and killed three people, injuring three others, and fled.

Police and CPM are not just in alliance, they are the same thing. They told us how the police stood as mute spectators whenever the harmads went on a rampage. The harmads have even used police jeeps to move around. The local CPM cadres provide information about the people within the villages to the police.

From our team, therefore when we see the current violence, which many media houses are branding as 'anarchy', we have a different opinion. We have seen the genuine anger of the people, their tolerance, their suffering. And we have no hesitation at all in holding the police, administration and CPM responsible for the current precipitation of the situation.

The Committee was formed against police atrocity. But what impressed us most was the alternative developmental work that the Committee and the people have been doing inside Lalgarh in the past seven months. These areas are marked by extreme poverty and backwardness. Rainfall is scanty and the people are dependent only on rainfall for agriculture. We saw the dysfunctional government canal, which is lying dry. They described the faulty nature of governmental dams which ultimately dry up the natural falls. The showed us the pathetic condition of roads which become completely inaccessible during the monsoons. The Committee on its own has made 20 km of roads with red stone chips ('morrum'). The people have volunteered labour to make these roads. The total cost to make this 20 km of road, they showed, was Rs. 47,000, while the panchayat always shows at least Rs. 15,000 for 1 km of road. They have repaired quite a few tube wells and installed new ones at half the price of the panchayat. They have started to make a check dam in Bohardanga to fight the water crisis. The two best things that have been done by the Committee is to start land distribution and run a health center in Katapahari. The vested forest lands are supposed to be distributed to the landless tribals according to a bill passed by the West Bengal government. But it never happened. Now the Committee is taking initiative in Banshberi and other villages to distribute the vested empty lands adjacent to the forests to the people who have no land. We saw the distribution of the patta in one village. The condition of health facilities was also in a pathetic state in the villages, as there was not a single functional health center. The nearest ones are in Lalgarh and Ramgarh town. Patients often died on the way to the hospital, often there had been cases of snakebites of the people who were carrying the patients to the hospital in the monsoon. There was a dysfunctional building in Katapahari which was supposed to be a health center. The administration decided to turn it into a police camp. After police boycott, the Committee turned it into a health center. Doctors from Kolkata and other regions visit there thrice a week. It is flocked by more than 150 patients every day.

We had also attended a huge meeting called by the Committee in Lodhashuli against a sponge iron factory located in the region. We visited the factory site and saw the adverse effect of pollution on the trees in region. The people informed that even the paddy grown in the region have turned black, so much so that even the panchayat has refused to accept the paddy. There are hospitals and schools in the vicinity of such a polluting factory. The meeting despite a bus strike called by CPM was attended by huge masses of people (around 12000), coming from different parts of the district. It was a vibrant meeting, where the Committee resolved among other things to boycott the factory and build a resistance to stop the factory for good.

The presence of the Maoists within Lalgarh is one of the most contentious issues right now. We saw the open presence of Maoists and their mass acceptance. They paste posters and have also held meetings where about ten thousand people have participated. And unlike the popular myth that Maoists are outsiders from Jharkhand etc. we saw the Maoist brigade to be flocked by locals. The people are pretty clear about the need for an armed resistance in the face of the regular joint attacks by the CPM and the state. The restriction of carrying traditional arms by them is a clear signal by the state to debilitate this movement.

By the time we left Lalgarh, the struggle had intensified. By now the people have been successful in making their immediate enemy CPM flee along with the police. The enthusiasm we saw in the people was exuberant. For the first time they are being part of not some vote minting political party but a committee which is their own organization. They are living a life free of state terror and building their own developmental projects. In different villages many residents held one opinion in common, 'we have got independence for the first time'. Their fight is against age old exploitation, deprivation, torture and terror. In this way this is a historic fight. And we strongly feel that what is deemed 'anarchy' by many is real struggle for independence.

We urge the media houses to revisit Lalgarh. The movement has its roots in the extreme impoverished socio economic conditions of the people because of the inaction of the state. The state is bound to strike back to this fight of the people. The CRPF will soon come back with the orders to open fire on the resilient masses. The state government is also shamelessly asking the notorious and infamous Greyhounds and Cobra to come and crush the people's movement. And that will be the most unfortunate and condemnable thing. The anger of the masses against massive state terror, underdevelopment and corruption is valid. And so is the long awaited fight against it.

We are going to publish a detailed report back in Delhi about this movement of the people. We remember that the media, especially the regional media in Bengal, had played a pretty progressive role during the Nandigram movement and would appeal to you to also stand by the people of Lalgarh and their genuine fight before the state carries out yet another genocide.

Priya Ranjan, Banojyotsna, Anirban, Gogol, Kusum, Reyaz, Yadvinder, Veer Singh, Sumati.

Contact : 09711826861



Lalgarh, an Icon of Adivasi Defiance
by Koustav De
Lalgarh was an obscure place in West Midnapore district of West Bengal (India). Before November 2008, it was just another village, 42 kilometers from the Midnapore railway station. Not any more. It is the centre of the movement of people who constitute almost 10% of the population of India. Lalgarh is now an icon of the defiance of the adivasi (tribal/indigenous population) against their history of discrimination and oppression.

The Shalbani land mine explosion on 2nd November 2008, which was targeted at the Chief Minister's convoy returning from the proposed site of Jindal Steel Plant, resulted in hyperactivity of the police, who immediately had to prove their proactive nature by identifying the 'culprits,' or rather scapegoats. As always they chose easy targets, tribal people from Lalgarh.

There is no map to Lalgarh, at least none easily available. The most detailed map shows a narrow road from Midnapore Station, which abruptly ends somewhere near Pirahkata. The road from Pirahkata to Lalgarh is well made but scantily used. The road is of no use to the indigenous population who possess no cars. Even motorbikes are a rarity among them, and their primary mode of transport is bullock carts, cycles or walking. So the quality of this road is not for the locals to appreciate. Its sole purpose is the quick transportation of police and para-military. This in fact sums up the direction of development in the majority of such areas. The black pitch road on the red soil surrounded by forests is most picturesque. The tranquility of the place was, until recently, disturbed every now and then by rumbling police jeeps and vans which would enter villages routinely and pick up adivasi for questioning. Often such questioning was accompanied by a generous dose of sadistic torture, both physical and psychological. It is most common to come across men and women of the region who have been detained and tortured apparently for no concrete reason, without any legal charge sheet produced. Detention often extends to three months on the base of mere speculation. People could not venture out of their houses after dark. The local police have even targeted some people whom they would repeatedly pick up for interrogation. A few conversations with the locals are enough to reveal a completely different world where not a day goes by without terror. The entire system at every level is bent on keeping them in such a state of constant fear that they would not even dream of making demands of development and all they wish for is a day without torture and police oppression.

Just after the Shalboni incident, the police of the Lalgarh and Ramgarh police stations led a joint operation on 5th November 2008, into the villages of Choto Pelia, Boro Pelia, Bashber and Kata Pahari. These are small villages at least two to six miles from each other, surrounded by forests and interconnected by narrow roads. They are thus easy targets for the police, where they can carry on their torturous interrogations in isolation without the news quickly leaking to surrounding villages. In Choto Pelia the police forced their way into houses and tortured and beat up people in their usual manner. According to one person, "We know the police from the way they knock at the door, just one long and loud knock and then they break in with heavy kicks. They do not even wait for anyone to open the door." In one such house the family was having a guest, a relative from a nearby village who was helping to stack up the paddy from the fields. The police at once singled him out, labeling him as an 'outsider' who has come to carry out the 'Shalboni Landmine Operation'. When the police tried to take him away, the women from the family tried pleading with the police. They pointed out that he was a guest and a relative and it was a disgrace to take him away in that manner. The police were in no mood to listen and thrashed them with the butt of their guns. One woman was hit right in the eye. She fell unconscious, her eye damaged permanently. Their guest was dragged away by four constables holding his hands and legs and thrown into the police van. On the same night, another police patrol came across four boys, all school students of classes eight to ten. They were returning to their homes in Bashber after a programme of Baul (folk) songs in Katapahari some 2 miles away. They were picked up without any questioning. "They never asked us a question, they just asked us to step into the van. We had no choice," remembered one of the students. In the police station, as their names and fathers' names were taken down, the police learnt that one boy had a father working in the army, and he was released at once. It was through him that the village came to know of the whereabouts of the other boys. The headmaster of Katapahari High School was detained on grounds of being a Maoist conspirator and hatching plans with his students. The police were working towards putting forth a good, dramatic and flawless lie that the press would readily endorse. Further detention and torture continued throughout the night. These incidents triggered the mass protests but are by no means the sole reason behind it. These were just the sparks to the gunpowder.

The list of deprivations and oppressions of the adivasis is a never ending one, and the government and the police took it for granted that these simple rustic peace-loving people had almost learnt to live with it. The police were too confident that their detentions would go unchallenged as always, especially when the adivasis of Lalgarh had no backing from mainstream parties -- neither the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI (M)] that governs West Bengal, nor the Congress, nor the Trinamool Congress, longtime ally of the Hindutva fascists. Remarkably, but not surprisingly, police never found it necessary to carry out investigations in the villages surrounding the location of the incident; they did not question even those peasants from whose fields the kilometer-long wire used to trigger the mine had been dug up. The simple reason for that is that the village and the region is politically a CPI (M) stronghold, and the party leaders did not want the police to harass their supporters.

Most adivasi of Lalgarh would point out that police repression had steadily increased since 1998, the year that marked a sudden spurt in Maoist activities in the tribal belt. People were picked up from their homes by the police, and often relatives were asked to sign papers which said that the person arrested was found in some forest and certain guns and ammunition were recovered from them. Refusal to sign would result in inhuman torture and prolonged detention without the arrest being acknowledged officially; signing the paper would mean lesser tortures but also a never-ending litigation. By 2008 there was hardly a single home in the tribal belt of West Bengal where police had not picked up and tortured a resident for being a 'Maoist' or a sympathizer.

The funds allotted to development of adivasis are regularly siphoned away by Panchayet [local government] leaders while the only visible development is more and more police camps, modern weapons and better-fortified police stations. Even as crores are being spent on modernizing the Lalgarh police stations, no house in the villages around has access to electricity, schools are but buildings without teachers, irrigation canals are perennially dry and the only toilets are the fields and forests. The majority of houses are still of mud and thatched roof of dry leaves while CPI (M) leaders have grossly misdirected funds allocated for Indira Awaas Yojna. According to IAY, money in installments can be provided to rural people living below poverty line (preference being given to members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) to build proper houses, with the cost shared between State and Central government. Funds are distributed by local Panchayets, and people who truly need the benefits have hardly heard of the scheme, while sons and daughters of local leaders got houses. Health Centers in the villages are at best occasionally visited by doctors and medicines are never available there.

In spite of all the deprivation and torture, only small, uncoordinated bursts of protest occurred, which were easily pacified or repressed. Often local leadership were bought and made to give pacifying statements after closed-door meetings. The leaders took the decision for the entire community. But the post-Shalboni protests were different -- they had no leadership who could decide for everyone. The adivasis had representatives who only communicated the decision of the entire community rather than took decisions on everyone's behalf.

On 6th November, adivasis gathered and moved to the Lalgarh police station and demanded immediate and unconditional release of all villagers detained without any ground, including the three boys. Looking at the unprecedented mobilization of the adivasis, the police well understood the gravity of the situation and started making false promises to pacify the crowds and buy time. But the situation grew tenser by the hour and soon support from other adivasi villages started pouring in. After night-long assurance that the boys would be soon released, in the morning, seeing that the mobilization had only grown yet larger, the police had to concede that the boys were never in the local police station but had been transferred to Midnapore Police Station. The adivasis could not be pacified with this -- they understood clearly that the words of assurance from the police could not be counted upon for release of their people, and a full-fledged movement needed to be launched. It was made clear to the police that they were not welcome in the villages any more. They decided to organize themselves and move for a permanent solution to this mindless police oppression.

The Lalgarh adivasis sat together in lengthy meetings and chalked out a proper plan to carry forth the movement. They decided to go around the existing mainstream political parties and float a forum of their own. This resulted in almost unanimous support of all adivasi sections towards the movement. They also decided upon an 11-point demand. The leadership emerged from within the people. But they insisted upon calling themselves a committee of the people, rather than leadership. And truly they have acted as spokespersons of the villages. Every village has chosen a 10-member committee of 5 men and 5 women. The participation of youth in these committees is truly overwhelming, as is their participation in the movement. This development and practice of participatory democracy is perhaps the most distinguishing and positive feature in these events. And this is the main point of concern for the government and the mainstream parties. Furthermore, these committees have specialized work allotted to the members, like communicating to journalists, maintaining contact with outsiders, communicating within the village, keeping in touch with far-off villages where the movement has spread. Within weeks of the movement, results started to show. The movement spread across other districts like Bankura, Birbhum, Puruliya and even North Bengal. Everywhere the character was similar, the mainstream parties dissolved away and committees sprung up. And everywhere the adivasis took measures to keep out the police: they barricaded the roads with felled trees and cut trenches across roads to prevent quick mobilization of reinforced troops.

In every aspect, the movement has shown that it has not ignored the lessons of Nandigram and Singur and is in fact a level above. Without spilling a drop of blood it has spread so far that it really inspires many thoughts. All these years, in spite of their regions being neglected and kept underdeveloped and in darkness, the adivasis, who are peace-loving people, have never protested . . . until now. Gradually this movement is taking a rather novel shape. The government is at a loss to counter what has captured the imagination of such a large section of the population across such vast region in such short time. Unlike Nandigram, it is too large to be surrounded by CPI (M) mercenaries. And the adivasis are too self-sufficient to be starved out. These people need little to sustain themselves and they themselves produce most of it. The roads that they have blocked are preventing police vans only; they never needed these roads and hardly ever use them. The government and the ruling party don't know what to do as their meager presence within the adivasi communities suddenly evaporated and information flow from the adivasi belt has stopped completely. Moreover, unlike in Singur or Nandigram, they had no ready group of leaders who would be willing to negotiate or bargain behind closed doors, keeping the movement on hold. In fact, the adivasis have welcomed any representative of government to discuss their demands, but only at their villages. In total disregard and disrespect of where the adivasi people live, however, they say, 'how can negotiation and discussion take place in jungle'.

The government tried to create confusion by roping in the upper 'creamy' section of the traditional adivasi leaders, who posed as the leadership of the movement. These emerged out of nowhere, completely ignorant of the ground situation, attended a meeting with the government officials and came out and declared before the press that all their demands had been met and they were thereby calling off the movement. Initially this caused some misunderstanding amongst the adivasi communities, but they soon got the crux of the matter and these traditional respected elders of the adivasi society were boycotted and asked to stay out of the movement.

The ruling party was and still is in a state of constant denial of the true nature of the movement and at rallies and meetings they utter less than confident phrases like 'our adivasi brothers are being misled by Maoists', 'it is a counter revolutionary force', 'imperialist funded conspiracy' and so on. At one meeting the State Secretary of the CPI (M) went as far as to state that at least in West Bengal the adivasis are in better conditions than their Jharkhand counterparts, at least the West Bengal government hasn't ordered them shot as the Babu Lal Marandi government did in Jharkhand. Mr. Bose perhaps expected his 'adivasi brothers' to be thankful for that and call off their movement.

The Lalgarh movement has matured and is preparing for a long drawn-out and sustainable movement, beyond mere blockades, demonstrations and rallies. They are coordinating their moves with far-off villages, communicating strategies. They are campaigning, talking to people and press, writing posters, distributing leaflets and trying to take their demands to the heart of Calcutta. All their campaign and communication are on behalf of 'the people' or 'the people's committee against police atrocities'. They understand very well that the elite Bengali intelligentsia will not act as sympathetically to the movement explicitly of the indigenous tribal masses, and they are prepared to do without it. But they have decided that they won't fade out without being heard.

The demands of the adivasis are not revolutionary but for a simple life without unnecessary interference. The core demand is their right to decide for themselves, to preserve their culture. Indeed their movement has not hampered the normalcy of their lives. Their blockades are lifted from time to time to allow passage of paddy-filled bullock carts from fields to villages, which is a most important activity during this season of harvest. They allow and invite representatives of all press, civil society organizations and even general citizens to come and move around their villages. They have successfully prevented the uninvited patrol of the police jeeps, and the villages are most peaceful these days. The state of constant fear that they had to live with is gone. The only hardship they have had to accept is carrying away seriously ill patients to town. They never had any proper health center anyway, for any serious ailment they had to travel to town, now they only have to take a longer route.

In their path towards a sustained movement, they meet often within and amongst villages. Each village committee has two persons who should be available at every meeting. The meetings are in local languages and are often lengthy and attended by many. In late night discussions among the committee members, it's not unusual to find the youth in early twenties doing most of the talking. They even mention 'class struggle', 'imperialism', 'cultural hegemony' rather lucidly, and in their own way. They admit openly their failure to spread their movement and thoughts in all 'fronts'. To a question like what will happen if paramilitary is deployed to crush the movement, they smile and reply that they will resist though they will eventually fail, many will perish but not all. They quickly refer to Iraq, where many were killed but the protest is still on. They also point out that the movement began without a single act of violence, and that they want none, so they prefer the path of non-violent mass movement unless they have to defend themselves from armed attacks. To ask these people who are protesting the police excesses and demanding a normal life whether they are all 'Maoists' is redundant.

Saturday, June 20, 2009

Who are the real pirates in Africa's waters?

Of late we have read a lot of stories about the ship hijacking incidents in africa.And the majority of us swallow the news the right wing media across the world serve us even without checking the veracity of it. But what is the truth behind all these news stories . Are the people who hijack the ships really pirates. Or who are the real pirates in Africa's waters? To know that watch this video and read the article given here. It is from Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal.





April 18, 2009 -- The report in the Times of London began: ``Pirates caught redhanded by one of Her Majesty’s warships after trying to hijack a cargo ship off Somalia made the grave mistake of opening fire on two Royal Navy assault craft packed with commandos armed with machineguns and SA80 rifles.’’ The references to modern weapons and the use of the modern term ``hijacking’’, indicate that this is a recent article (from the November 12, 2008, online edition). In other respects it could have been written 300 years ago. Pompous triumphalism from the press of the ``great powers’’ (which has reached a fever pitch since the US Navy’s April 12 rescue of Richard Philllps, captain of the US-flagged and crewed Maersk Alabama, in which three teenage pirates were killed and one captured) is not the only parallel between the current confrontation between powerful navies and pirates off the coast of Somalia and that in the early 18th century Atlantic -- the ``golden age of piracy’’. Both the piracy of the ``golden age’’ -- which created the popular mythology reflected in everything from Robert Louis Stevenson’s Treasure Island to Johnny Depp’s Pirates of the Caribbean movies -- and that of contemporary Somalia were responses of the downtrodden to the devestating effects of globalising capitalism. The 18th century pirates were victims the first intercontinental economy: Atlantic slavery. In the triangular trade in which manufactured goods went from Europe to Africa, slaves from Africa to the Caribbean, and plantation commodities (raw materials for the Industrial Revolution) from the Caribbean back to Europe, malnutrition and brutal discipline affected sailors almost as much as it did slaves. Sailors and slaves who became pirates sought to turn the increase in oceanic trade to their advantage. Victims of Western plunder Today’s Somali pirates have been victims of the devastation that neoliberal globalisation has wrought on Africa, the destruction of local fisheries by industrial fishing techniques and one of the most hushed-up aspects of globalisation: the dumping of the first world’s toxic and nuclear waste in vulnerable Third World locations. The concentration of manufacturing in particular parts of the world (such as southern China) that accompanied the recently ended economic boom, created an exponential increase in intercontinental shipping that the Somali pirates, like their 18th century counterparts, sought to take advantage of. Since the overthrow of dictator Siad Barre in 1991, Somalia has not had a functioning state. Continual violence by rival clan-based warlords, militias and criminal gangs has twice been punctuated by foreign intervention: by a US-led UN-mandated ``humanitarian intervention’’ force between 1992 and 1995, and by Ethiopia (acting as a US proxy) between 2006 and January 2009. While both interventions were responsible for tens of thousands of deaths and widespread rape, torture and destruction of property, neither succeeded in subduing the country. Western journalism has emphasised one side of the relationship between this chaos and the rise of piracy: ready access to arms and lack of governmental authority. In an article posted on the internet-based Huffington Post on April 13, Canada-based Somali hip hop artist and activist K’naan explained the other side: ``Already by [1992], local fishermen in the coastline of Somalia have been complaining of illegal vessels coming to Somali waters and stealing all the fish. And since there was no government to report it to, and since the severity of the violence -- overshadowed every other problem, the fishermen went completely unheard.’’ According to a January 5, 2009, article by British Independent columnist Johann Hari, foreign illegal fishing in Somali waters nets more than $300 million a year. ``But it was around this same time that a more sinister ... practice was being put in motion’’, K’naan continues. ``A Swiss firm called Achair Parterns, and an Italian waste company [Progresso], made a deal with [Somali warlord] Ali Mahdi, that they were to dump containers of waste material in Somali waters. These European companies were said to be paying warlords about $3 a ton, whereas to properly dispose of waste in Europe costs about $1000 a ton.’’ After the December 2004 ``tsunami washed ashore several leaking containers, thousands of locals in the Puntland region of Somalia started to complain of severe and previously unreported ailments, such as abdominal bleeding, skin melting off and a lot of immediate cancer-like symptoms... But this wasn't just a passing evil from one or two groups taking advantage of our unprotected waters. The UN envoy for Somalia, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, says that the practice still continues to this day. It was months after those initial [1992] reports that local fishermen mobilised themselves, along with street militias, to go into the waters and deter the Westerners from having a free pass at completely destroying Somalia's aquatic life.’’ According to an October 11, 2008, Al Jazeera report, Ould-Abdallah confirmed ``that European and Asian companies are dumping toxic waste, including nuclear waste, off the Somali coastline’’. UN Environment Program spokesperson Nick Nuttall told Al Jazeera ``the waste is many different kinds. There is uranium radioactive waste. There is lead, and heavy metals like cadmium and mercury. There is also industrial waste, and there are hospital wastes, chemical wastes – you name it.’’ Abdi Ismail Samatar, professor of Geography at the University of Minnesota, pointed out to Al Jazeera that the naval forces despatched to the Gulf of Aden to protect shipping from the pirates have turned a blind eye to the waste dumping. ``Piracy is not the only problem for Somalia, and I think it’s irresponsible on the part of the authorities to overlook this issue’’, he said. Self-defence The piracy has developed from a defensive activity by fishing communities into a highly profitable business with at least $30 million being paid in ransoms in 2008. The modus operendi of exchanging captured ships, their cargoes and their crews for ransoms has meant that the mariners held hostage have generally been well treated. No hostages have been killed by pirates. Among the economic activities flourishing in the pirate ports have been resteraunts catering to the tastes of the foreign crews. On September 23, 2008, a group of pirates chanced upon a Ukrainian freighter the MV Faina. ``We just saw a big ship, so we stopped it’’, pirate spokesperson Sugale Ali told the October 1, 2008, New York Times in satellite phone interview from the bridge of the hijacked vessel. Much to the their surprise, the pirates discovered the ship to be carrying a large amount of heavy weapons, including 33 tanks. This was the trigger for Western naval forces to be deployed in the area, amid concerns that the weapons may be sold to the warring Somali militias. These concerns, however, were unfounded. ``Somalia has suffered from many years of destruction because of all these weapons. We don’t want that suffering and chaos to continue. We are not going to offload the weapons. We just want the money’’, Sugale explained. The MV Faina was eventually ransomed for $3.2 million. While the global economy and global shipping were booming, paying the occasional ransom was absorbed by shipping companies as an operating cost, cheaper than either sailing ships around the Cape of Good Hope to avoid Somali waters or hiring mercanaries such as Blackwater to provide security. The global economy’s collapse may be changing this. Jeremy Scahill, author of Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army, pointed out on his website RebelReports.com that the owners of the Maersk Alabama earn $500 million a year as a Pentagon subcontractor. The US denied that the Alabama was working for the Pentagon when the pirates attacked. He also questioned the official version of the rescue of Captain Phillips, pointing out that the lifeboat containing Phillips and his three captors was under tow from a US warship, and that the pirates were negotiating to exhange him for money and safe passage, when US navy snipers shot the pirates. At an April 16 press conference US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton forshadowed a tougher line on piracy. ``We may be dealing with a 17th-century crime, but we need to bring 21st-century solutions to bear’’, she said. One of the solutions she touted -- freezing pirates’ assets -- is peculiar given that the pirates do not use banks. It could, however, be used to pressure shipping companies against paying ransoms. France has also stepped up operations against pirates. On April 4, the French navy stormed a hijacked luxury yacht, killing one of the hostages along with two pirates. On April 16, 11 pirates were captured when their vessel was seized by the French. The US and French naval pressure has not diminished pirate activity. The April 16 Independent reported, ``brigands have seized four vessels and more than 75 hostages since Sunday’’. Furthermore, this aggressive approach increases the likelihood of pirates harming seafarers. Andrew Mwangura, coordinator of Mombasa-based East African Seafarers Assistance Program, told Reuters on April 12, ``This is a big wake-up to the pirates. It raises the stakes. Now they may be more violent, like the pirates of old.’’ According to the same article: ```The French and the Americans will regret starting this killing. We do not kill, but take only ransom. We shall do something to anyone we see as French or American from now,’ Hussein, a pirate, told Reuters by satellite phone.’’ The April 12 NYT quoted Abdullahi Lami, who it described as ``one of the pirates holding a Greek ship anchored in the pirate den of Gaan’’ as saying: ``Every country will be treated the way it treats us. In the future, America will be the one mourning and crying.’’ Like the pirates of the ``golden age’’, todays Somali pirates see themselves as fighting for justice. As Sugale Ali told the October 1, 2008, NYT: ``We don’t consider ourselves sea bandits. We consider sea bandits those who illegally fish in our seas and dump waste in our seas and carry weapons in our seas. We are simply patrolling our seas. Think of us like a coast guard.’’ And as with the 18th century pirates, they have the sympathy of many in their communities. As K’naan explained: ``The truth is, if you ask any Somali, if getting rid of the pirates only means the continuous rape of our coast by unmonitored Western vessels, and the production of a new cancerous generation, we would all fly our pirate flags high. It is time that the world gave the Somali people some assurance that these Western illegal activities will end, if our pirates are to [cease] their operations. We do not want the EU and NATO serving as a shield for these nuclear waste-dumping hoodlums.’’

Saturday, June 6, 2009

'Hail Indian Democracy'







India, land of the poorest of the poor in the world, always boasts of its democracy. Though it ranks first or second in all poverty and corruption lists, the existing system asks people to be proud of its democracy. Seventy percent of Indians are struggling even to live. And majority are struggling even to find a square mean a day as well. The supporteres of this rotten democracy, however, asks those who are trying to replace this system with a better, socialist one to join the mainstream. But the question here is " whose democracy is it?" Is it the people's democracy? No...The reports appeared in various newspapers after the parliament elections clearly suggests that the common man has no role in this pseudo democracy.

Friday, May 29, 2009

John Abraham commemoratin and inaguration of new film movement



A new film movemnt is being launched in Kochi on 30th May, the death anniversary of legendary film man John Abraham. To read the report appeared in the Hindu paper on this please click here. The Hindu

Wednesday, May 20, 2009

Obama and the Change We are witnessing


What is the change Obama regime has brought about? This cartoon appeared in The Monthly Review speakes volumes.

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

Nepal's Coup


Few days back the first people's government was scuttled by imperialist forces. Maoist led government was the sole hope of Nepal. However the people are not remaining mute spectators. Given below is anrticle by Ben peterson on nepal's development. It appeared first in Green Left Weekly. Peterson has uploaded a vedio too in the youtube under the title Nepal's Coup



May 9, 2009 -- “This is not just a Maoist movement”, said Green Left Weekly’s correspondent in Kathmandu, Ben Peterson. “This is threatening to become a new people’s movement, like the one that swept away the monarchy.”

Peterson was commenting on the large number of daily demonstrations across the country to demand respect for the people’s will. They have come in the aftermath of the May 3 resignation of Prime Minister Prachanda and other members of the government belonging to the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN-M).

Peterson described the events as a “soft coup”.

The resignations were forced by the insubordination by the military high command, backed by the president and sections the coalition government. The UCPN (M), which had led the coalition government until its members walked out on May 3, had tried to use constitutional means to sack the chief of the army, General Kul Bahadur Katwal.

The army high command had refused to obey instructions from the elected civilian government. The high command refused to implement key parts of the peace accords that, in 2006, ended the armed conflict with the UCPN (M)-led People’s Liberation Army.

Sections of the high command in the Nepalese Army, infamous for its human rights abuses during the armed conflict, even spoke openly to the Times of India on April 24 about an aborted plot for a military coup against the elected government.

It is difficult to imagine a more blatant threat to democracy. If the military is not subordinated to an elected civilian government, but is allowed to defy it openly on central issues, then there is no democracy — merely military rule with a civilian government as window-dressing.

However, Nepalese President Ram Baran Yadav from the conservative Nepalese Congress party (NC), issued a decree countering the UCPN-M decision to remove Katwal from his post. This is despite the fact that under the interim constitution, the power of the president is largely ceremonial.

The result was the creation of two military heads: the Maoist-appointed head and Katwal, who, backed by the president, refused to recognise his sacking.

Coalition partners, such as the social-democratic Communist Party of Nepal (United-Marxist-Leninist), despite internal divisions, failed to support the UCPN (M) decision.

With little choice, the Maoists called a press conference announcing they were withdrawing from the government. The Maoists called for street protests to defend democracy.

Just over a year since the historic declaration of a republic, which brought people out into the streets in celebration, Nepal has been thrown into a fresh political crisis.

The monarchy was overthrown through a combination of the decade-long Maoist-led “people’s war” and the 2006 mass democratic uprising. A central demand of the Maoists was for elections to a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution to create a “New Nepal”.

The central role of the UCPN (M) in the democracy movement, and the degree to which the poor identify with it, resulted in the Maoists winning over 1 million votes more than their nearest competitor.

Seeking the widest-possible consensus, the UCPN (M) established a broad coalition government. However, the UCPN (M)’s proposals for a peaceful and democratic pro-poor transformation of Nepal that were endorsed at the ballot box have been frustrated by opposition within the parliament, the state and even the coalition government.

The cause of the crisis is the moves of the elite, based in the political and military establishment, that seek to frustrate the popular mandate for a New Nepal based on equality and social justice.

Class conflict

The Nepalese elite are backed by the government of neighbouring India and the United States — both of whom fear the example of radical, pro-poor change in the region.

India, in particular, played a big role in bringing the Maoist-led government down. The former king and leaders of NC and the CPN (UML) all visited India under various pretexts in the weeks before the anti-Maoist coup.

For the poor majority, the program the UCPN (M) seeks to implement includes an increase in workers’ rights, land reform for the peasants, equal rights in a federal structure for ethnic and national minorities, access to education and health care, and a plan for extensive pro-people economic development.

In the lead-up to the crisis, while the bureaucrats and opportunist politicians were moving to stab the UCPN (M) and its poor supporters in the back, the Maoist deputies were out in the countryside talking to the poor to gather proposals for the new constitution.

For all concerned, the stakes are high.

The elite, and their foreign backers, are terrified of the consequences of implementing the 2006 peace accords. These require the integration of PLA fighters into the existing army to create a new, democratic armed forces.

This could mean the military would no longer be a weapon in the hands of the elite to violently repress the struggles of the poor.

The poor, however, have every reason to fear the continuation of the unreformed old army, which committed great crimes against the people.

The situation remains uncertain. The UCPN (M) is refusing to take part in any government and are boycotting parliament until their demand for the sacking of Katwal is met.

It is likely to prove difficult for the opponents of the UCPN (M) to form a coalition government to replace the one that has now collapsed. The UCPN (M) alone controls 40% of the seats in the assembly. Also, the main point of unity among the other parties is opposition to the Maoists. All this makes it difficult for a government to be formed without them. However, the situation is not simply determined by parliamentary numbers. Rather, the greatest difficulty facing the elite is the genuinely popular support the Maoists enjoy.

Peterson explained that recent events have only increased support for the Maoists. He said ordinary people he had spoken to everywhere, regardless of party affiliation, are furious at the actions of the president and the opportunist behaviour of parties like the CPN (UML).

He said the overwhelming majority of Nepalese people believed the undemocratic actions that had occurred had been organised by foreign forces like the US and India. There is incredible anger at those political parties that have allowed themselves to be used by foreign powers.

'The mood is angry'

The UCPN (M) has called for protests in the streets until its demands have been met. "The protests have been many and all over the place”, Peterson said. “They are organised by a whole range of different groups. Every different group has its own protest. The mood is angry.”

The protests ranged from involving hundreds, to tens of thousands, he said. However, he emphasised that these protests occurred simultaneously — there could be dozens of protests in Kathmandu at any one time. “Many of the people I have spoken to at the protests were not Maoists”, Peterson said.

As example of the mood, he explained: “The other night I was at the bus park, and about 20 people just waiting around for a bus spontaneously started chanting against the president.”

The foreign media have attempted to play up protests by right-wing NC supporters. The Sydney Morning Herald even featured a photo of an NC supporters protest with the caption “People’s Power”. Peterson said that before the UCPN (M) left government, there were some tiny protests involving a few hundred people at most. Since then, no such protests had occurred.

In some cases the police have attacked protesters, including tear gassing a demonstration by the pro-UCPN (M) Young Communist League. Police repeatedly attack attempts by protesters, mostly Maoist women, to demonstrate in front of the president’s offices. Protests in that are have been banned, resulting in regular clashes.

However, the state has held off from trying full-scale repression.

So far, the UCPN (M) has also held back from full-scale mobilisations. It has yet to organise a centralised, all-out demonstration that calls the greatest numbers onto the streets together. However, as the likely futile negotiations by the anti-Maoist parties drags on, that could be about to change.

Wednesday, May 6, 2009

Bob marley commemoration and cultural fest


28 years may have passed since the voice of Bob Marley, the singer of the downtrodden, died down. But the resonances it created are still strong enough to rekindle memories; memories that struggle against forgetfulness.

On account of Marley's death anniversary and in the backdrop of the oppressed class opening up new battle front everywhere in the world, Bob Marley Cultural Collective, on 10th and 11th this month organises a Bob Marley Commemoration and Cultural Fest at Fort Kochi. Suresh Badal, programme convenor of the fest told Socialist Platform that its the general political developments in the contemporary world that make the memories of Marley all the more relevant. "At a time when Dalits as well as all other oppressed classes get up and stand up to put up stiff resistance against all kinds of oppressions and discriminations, we believe that it is quite relevant to remember Marley and his legacy. Rastafari, which explored the black people's identity gain importance now as the jaggernautof globalisation is still on the roll trampling down all kinds of native cultural symbols besides making lives of people more and more miserable. However searching identity doesn't mean a return journey, rather its a fresh energy of resistance as it is obvious that the liberation of the oppressed can be made only through class struggle." Suresh said.

Given Below is from the programme notice of the fest



BOB MARLEY COMMEMORATION AND CULTURAL FEST




May 10 & 11

at

Comrade Abu Square (near the beach)



Programme Details:


May 10th

Cultural meet at 10 a.m.

talks on Duties and challeges in the cultural sphere.


Interventions by:
K.P.Sethunath, Dr.T.P.Sajeevan, Dr.P.Geetha, Adv.Tushar Nirmal
Sarathy, Raghavan Atholy,C.P.Rasheed, Sathychandran Poyilkavu and
N.P.Soman

from 3.p.m onwards cultural programmes including plays by Ranga Chethana, Thrissur and Thudipech, a combination of folk and revolutionary songs by Njatuvela.

from 7.p.m screening of documentaries on Marley

May 11th:

at 10 a.m.Bob Marley live

RED SOLO-MORTUARY VIBRATIONS

by Shaji Kallai

from 7.a.m. screening of marley's albums





And now here is Marley's famous song 'War'



Until the philosophy which hold one race superior
And another
Inferior
Is finally
And permanently
Discredited
And abandoned -
Everywhere is war -
Me say war.

That until there no longer
First class and second class citizens of any nation
Until the colour of a man's skin
Is of no more significance than the colour of his eyes -
Me say war.

That until the basic human rights
Are equally guaranteed to all,
Without regard to race -
Dis a war.

That until that day
The dream of lasting peace,
World citizenship
Rule of international morality
Will remain in but a fleeting illusion to be pursued,
But never attained -
Now everywhere is war - war.

And until the ignoble and unhappy regimes
that hold our brothers in Angola,
In Mozambique,
South Africa
Sub-human bondage
Have been toppled,
Utterly destroyed -
Well, everywhere is war -
Me say war.

War in the east,
War in the west,
War up north,
War down south -
War - war -
Rumours of war.
And until that day,
The African continent
Will not know peace,
We Africans will fight - we find it necessary -
And we know we shall win
As we are confident
In the victory

Of good over evil -
Good over evil, yeah!
Good over evil -
Good over evil, yeah!
Good over evil -
Good over evil, yeah! /fadeout/


and watch buffalo soldier in the youtube

Monday, April 20, 2009

Indian Maoists on Election boycott


Parliament election are underway in india. But it would be interesting to see what the largest communist party in India, the CPI (Maoist)thinks of it. In an interview with the Maoist Information Bulletin (MIB), the spokesperson for the central committe of the CPI(Maoist) Azad spoke on topics ranging from the elections in India, the global economic crisis, its impact on India, the G20 Summit, etc. The excerpt of the interview given below focuses on the Lok Sabha elections.



MIB: Election-2009 in India has been hailed as the biggest election ever held in the world with almost a billion voters participating. Does the increasing hype over the elections show the growing faith of the people on ‘parliamentary democracy’?

A:
Certainly not. The claim that there has been an increase in the faith of the people on ‘parliamentary democracy’ is a hollow, concocted and outright false claim. The very fact that every day the media, the central and state governments, and all the contesting ruling class parties are dinning into the ears of the people to exercise their so-called holy vote, shows the desperation of the reactionary ruling classes to refurbish the debilitated image of their so-called parliamentary democracy. Thousands of crores are being spent on this propaganda alone.

So scared are these bandicoots that they can never imagine allowing the voters the minimum democratic right to reject the parties and candidates contesting the election. They fear that if the option of rejecting the candidates was given, then those who had been hitherto indifferent to the elections—who actually constitute the majority in any election—would perhaps vote against everyone and prove in categorical terms the futility of parliamentary democracy. But even otherwise, if you look beyond the 24-hour non-stop screening of election by hundreds of so-called news channels (I say so-called since hardly any of the news channels provides anything worth calling as real news), and go to the grass-roots level you can see the apathy, disillusionment, even hatred and anger against the parliamentary system and the parliamentary parties. Both have lost their credibility as never before and the more the people lose faith in the parliamentary parties and institutions, the greater is the noise generated by the media and the ruling classes through every means at their disposal calling upon the people to cast their vote.

MIB: The Party has given a call to boycott the elections. But on the other hand it seems the interest and involvement of the people in the elections is growing. If this were true, then how do you account for this discrepancy and plan to deal with this?

A: As I had explained earlier, there is neither any interest nor involvement of the people in the parliamentary elections. In fact, even the narrow base of some of the parties had taken further beating this time. Contrary to the images you see on the idiot boxes, the involvement of the people has further declined when compared to earlier election. Hence the desperate attempt by the rulers to rope in film stars, cricketers and popular personalities into publicity campaigns to “educate” the people regarding the virtues of parliamentary democracy, and about the great responsibility of the citizens in casting their votes. To make one believe that the system is really democratic, they call on you not to vote for criminal elements but for those committed to country’s progress, those who are not corrupt, and so on. What is to be done when all the candidates are rogues—which is evident in at least nine out of ten cases—is left unaddressed.

It is, of course, true that some of the candidates and parties are able to draw crowds to some extent. In a country with over a billion population it is not difficult to find a few thousands, and at times a few lakhs, of people to attend meetings and rallies if the sponsors arrange for transport and meals, and pay them some money. Then caste, clan, regional loyalties or admiration for cine stars attract some crowds. One can see how hard the political parties have been working in every state to bring cine actors into electioneering for various parties. The political leaders know that the disenchantment of the masses had grown to such an extent that they cannot even address them without roping in some popular personality. Seeing images of “huge” crowds at the meetings should not make one to hastily conclude that more people have become interested in the fake exercise of elections and that parliamentary democracy has gained some credibility in the eyes of the people. On the contrary, the opposite is actually the truth.

MIB:
What do you say of the attempts by the “Left” parties to build a non-BJP, non-Congress secular democratic alternative at the Centre through a Third Front? What would be the impact of such a Third Front on the Indian politics?

A: The so-called Third Front that is sought to be forged by the CPI and CPI(Marxist) as a secular, democratic front comprising all the non-Congress, non-BJP forces is actually a congregation of self-seeking discredited opportunists, all of whom had proved themselves to be hypocrites and double-dealers in their respective states. Who needs to be taught about the infamous history of a Chandrababu Naidu, a Jayalalita, a Mayawati, a Deve Gowda, a Naveen Patnaik? These notorious leaders and their parties, who had, at one time or the other, shared power with the Hindu chauvinist BJP, are being given a clean and secular-democratic image by the so-called Left.

Karats, Yechuris and other power brokers of the so-called Left had churned out the slogan of anti-communalism to justify their alignment with the most loyal agent of the imperialists like the Congress Party during the 2004 elections. It was only after almost four years, when the people began to trounce the Congress in the Assembly elections in various states and come out into the streets against the policies of the UPA, that these brokers “realized” that the Congress was kow-towing to the imperialists! Now, after parting with the Congress, these opportunists see anti-communalism in Parties like the TDP, BSP, AIDMK, JD(U), BJD etc all of which had never really demarcated themselves from communal BJP and have no compunction in striking an alliance with it if it gave them a share in power. For our Marxist theoreticians and ideologues all these forces had suddenly become secular!! And one should not be surprised if they once again become the tail of Congress after the election. The opportunism of the Indian “Left” has no limits.

Just see. They found secularism, anti-imperialism and democratic moorings among parties such as the Telugu Desham, a party which was the first to transform a state in India into a laboratory of the World Bank and responsible for the murder of over two thousand Maoist revolutionaries during its nine-year rule besides the high-level of corruption of the regime led by Chandrababu Naidu. Then there are other opportunist and proven die-hard reactionary parties such as Jayalalitha’s AIADMK that had become infamous for the scale of corruption, abuse of power and fascist suppression of people’s struggles in Tamil Nadu; Naveen Patnaik’s BJD that had sold out the state to the imperialists and had proved itself to be the executioner for the imperialists and the CBB by massacring adivasis in Kaliga Nagar, POSCO, etc., besides protecting the saffron hoodlums as they went about killing, raping and persecuting the Christian minority; Deve Gowda’s JDU which shared power with the BJP and broke with it not because of BJP’s communalism but only when the latter wanted a greater share of power; and then you have a Mayawati who would do anything to grab power whether it be power-sharing with the BJP on rotational basis, or striking an alliance with the Brahmins and subordinating the Dalits to the upper-caste Hindus, besides crushing all opponents ruthlessly.

The attempt to forge together such opportunist, corrupt and notorious anti-people parties into a new front by the so-called Left should not come as a surprise if we keep in mind the fact that the social-fascist CPI(Marxist) has proved itself to be a loyal agent for the imperialists and the CBB which has been proved beyond any doubt in West Bengal under Buddhadeb. It should also not come as a surprise if these opportunists, who masquerade under the garb of “Marxists”, rediscover anti-communalism and secularism in the Congress (and forgetting for a while that it had surrendered to imperialism), and align with it against the communal BJP after the elections.

As per the impact of the Third Front, it has certainly weakened the two major alliances-the NDA and UPA—and has led to further fragmentation of the Indian polity. Whichever alliance wants to form the government it will have to depend upon and satisfy the demands put forth by the Third Front or whatever is left of it after the elections. Some of the constituents of the Third Front will, of course, jump into the alliance which is most likely to form the next government.

MIB: What are the actual issues confronting India and how do the various Parties address these issues in their manifestos and slogans?

A: The issues confronting the people of the country are many: the continuous fleecing of the people and looting of the country’s wealth by the imperialists and the comprador big business houses; the ever-increasing imbalances between various classes, sections, states, regions, special social groups, nationalities; the deepening agrarian crisis that is leading to the suicide deaths of thousands of peasants; the industrial closures and lay-offs that are throwing out lakhs of workers onto the streets; wage-cuts and wage freeze, mounting unemployment; spiraling prices of essential commodities irrespective of what the government spokespersons bark day in and day out that inflation has been brought down to the lowest figure; fast-declining industrial growth despite the circus feats of Chidambarams., Manmohan singhs, Pranab Mukherjees to prove the contrary; growing aspirations of the nationalities for their self-determination in various forms such as statehood in Telangana and Gorkhaland, independence or aazadi in Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur; Hindu chauvinism and rabid anti-Muslim, anti-Christian frenzy whipped up by the saffron terrorists who seek to destroy the delicate fabric of our society; corruption that has become the life-blood of every Party; displacement of lakhs of people from their homes and lands in the name of SEZs and so-called development projects; state terrorist and state-sponsored terrorist attacks on the struggling people all over the country, particularly in Chattisgarh, Kashmir, Assam and other parts of North East, and so on.

Thus the issues that confront the people of our country are quite serious and none of the parties has courage to address any of these since a solution to any of these issues would mean cutting the very tree on which one sits. Every party’s existence is based on carrying out policies that serve the imperialists, comprador houses, feudal forces, scamsters and real estate mafia gangs. Hence it is unimaginable that these parties would raise people’s real issues in a serious manner. Instead they try to utilize the extreme poverty and destitution, unemployment, rising prices of essential commodities, rapidly declining living standards, and the overall insecurity, frustration and helplessness of the people at large to project themselves as saviours by declaring some sops in their manifestos and slogans. These unscrupulous, nefarious and hypocritical gangsters and bandits who rob the poor to fatten themselves put forth populist slogans and try to lure the people by throwing a few crumbs. Just see the competition between the various parties in offering freebies and social welfare schemes to the people during the present elections. If Congress party offered 25 kg of rice or wheat at Rs. 3 a kg per month to families living below poverty line, BJP promised to offer 35 kg rice or wheat every month at Rs. 2/kg. The TDP had gone a step further asking people not to buy colour TV sets as it would distribute one crore sets gratis if it came to power. Praja Rajyam Party assured the people of AP that it would supply cooking gas free and food kits for Rs 100 only.

In the last Assembly election in Chhattisgarh the show of populism by the Congress and BJP is nauseating to the extreme. These two biggest enemies of the country and the most loyal stooges of the imperialists and comprador big business houses had tried to outwit one another in luring the masses with sops. First BJP promised rice at Rs 3 a Kilo. Then Congress came up with Rs 2 a kilo upon which the BJP assured that it would supply rice at only one rupee a kilo along with free supply of salt.

There is no end to such hypocrisy and false promises made by these bandicoots. None of these parties would ever dare to touch upon the real problems and permanent solutions to these problems. Instead they seek to offer some ‘first aid’ to the sufferers by throwing some crumbs in exchange for unbridled power for five years. The very fact that every Party is compelled to offer such sops that promise to mitigate hunger and meet other basic needs of the masses shows the acuteness of the misery and poverty of the people notwithstanding the tall talk of glowing India, rapid growth rates in GDP, joining the elite club of the top 20 countries in the world, and such non-stop trash. Their sops point to the condition of real India while the lion’s share of the funds go to a tiny fatty layer that floats over the society like a scum. People will not be taken in by these sops but will demand their rightful share in the country’s GDP, their right to employment, and right to a dignified life.

MIB: There seems to be relatively a greater impact of the regional parties in the current elections. What do you think is the reason for this phenomenon? Is there any future for the so-called All India parties like the Congress, BJP, CPI, CPI(M) etc?

A: I should say the elections this time are the most complex, most crisis-ridden and most fragmented in the annals of the so-called Indian parliamentary democracy. Extreme instability and contradictions plague every party and candidate. No Party or candidate seems to be certain of the electoral outcome, notwithstanding the outwardly confident postures. Hence the parties and candidates are resorting to all sorts of gimmicks to attract the apathetic voter.

The much-discredited so-called All India parties like the Congress, BJP and the “Left” have become thoroughly exposed before the people. All these Parties have in fact been reduced to the status of All India regional parties. And the alliances that they lead also have influence limited to certain regions in the country. The desertion by the “Left”, Lalu’s RJD, Mulayam’s SP, Paswan’s LJP, Ramdoss’s PMK have left the Congress and its UPA in a pathetic condition. Likewise, BJP and its alliance NDA have lost the support of strong allies like Naveen Patnaik’s BJD, Jayalalitha’s AIADMK, and several smaller parties. Neither the BJP nor the Congress is in a position to hold their respective alliances together and centrifugal tendencies will continue to weaken these further.
None of these is in a position to repeat the slogans they had issued during the 2004 elections.

While the India Shining slogan of the BJP has taken a severe battering in the background of the severest crisis in the Indian economy that has thrown millions of workers onto the streets and peasants to the verge of suicide, its communal slogans and attacks on the religious minorities have isolated them from the people. On the other hand, the Congress party’s common minimum programme has proved to be the biggest and most cruel joke of the decade; their so-called development had led to the displacement of tens of thousands of people across the country from their lands and homes, and the total surrender of the Congress-led UPA to the American imperialists stands thoroughly exposed before the people.

Then there is the hypocrisy of the so-called Left in running with the hare and hunting with the hound. But for its support, Manmohan’s comprador clique could not have dared or succeeded in implementing the series of anti-people policies and placing the interests of the country at the feet of the US imperialists. After its opportunistic honeymoon with the UPA it had to distance itself seeing the anger of the people and used the civilian-nuclear deal as a pretext. Its rhetoric against SEZs is seen as a big gimmick after the brutal suppression of the people’s struggles in Singur, Nandigram and elsewhere in West Bengal.

The economic crisis and the polices pursued by the UPA as well as by the preceding NDA governments had created a situation of extreme imbalances between various regions, sections, classes, special social groups, and nationalities. Naturally all this has led to a new polarization and realignment of forces in the Indian political scene. The regional aspirations, the anti-Hindutva feelings among the persecuted religious minorities, the feeling of betrayal of their interests by the major political parties which had pervaded the toiling masses, in short, the explosive situation in many parts of the country brought forth due to the severity of the current crisis had discredited the major political parties in the eyes of the people. It is in such a situation when the so-called All India parties had failed to address the issues of the people and have lost credibility in the eyes of the people that regional parties have begun to utilize the situation to increase their seat share.

However, all the parties belonging to the two major alliances and the so-called Third Front, as well as others are consciously evading the real burning issues confronting the country and the people. They are striving by every means to see that economic-social crises, the severe downturn in the economy, closure of industries, growing retrenchments and lay-offs, agrarian crisis, etc do not become the agenda during the elections.

MIB: How do you intend to take your campaign on the boycott of Lok Sabha and other Assembly elections to the people?

A: We had already begun our election boycott campaign after the Election Commission declared the election schedule. Our stand has been made clear to the people through various forms—circulars, press statements, interviews, leaflets, posters, wall writings and so on. Our cultural teams stage performances among the people calling upon them to understand the real essence of the so-called parliamentary democracy and asking them to boycott the elections. We will carry out this propaganda until the end of the last phase of elections. Our campaign during elections is basically a mass political propaganda campaign. This includes questioning the candidates and representatives of the parties, gheraoing them, making them confess their misdeeds before the people.

Then there is active boycott where we prevent the candidates from carrying out their campaigns in the villages and smaller urban centres in our areas. We warn the parties not to venture out into our areas and when they do not heed our warnings, we stop their campaign, beat them up if they are notorious elements, burn their vehicles, conduct people’s courts where possible and make the party representatives confess the misdeeds of their respective parties and seek apologies from the people. They are let off after they agree not to come to the villages again and that they will raise the misdeeds of their leaders in their Party fora. We also carry out counter-offensive actions against the police and central forces who are used by the reactionary rulers to enforce elections at gun-point. Basically our active boycott too is a political campaign though we undertake some actions aimed at destroying the enemy forces.

MIB: There is propaganda by some sections of the media including the BBC during the last November elections to Chattisgarh Assembly that Maoists had threatened to chop off the fingers of those who dared to cast their vote in the Maoist strong-hold areas? Is there any plan to forcibly prevent people from going to the polling centres?

A: The question of Maoists using force against people to ensure boycott of elections is only the fabrication of the reactionary rulers and the media. You cannot show a single instance where the Maoists had resorted to force on the people for having attended election meetings or having stopped them from casting their votes.

It is the criminal, parasitical, mafia gangs ruling the country who thrive on violence on the masses daily and hourly; they cannot survive a day without resorting to illegal detentions, cruel tortures and brutal murders of those who oppose the system. Terror acts such as chopping off limbs, blinding the eyes, giving electric shocks, and resorting to other third degree methods are the norms practiced by the STF, Grey Hounds, SOG, CRPF, SSB, and other forces deployed in Dandakaranya, Bihar, Jharkhand, AP, Orissa, Chattisgarh, Maharshtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu etc. Salwa Judum in Dandakaranya reveals the depths of the cruelty of these mercenary forces.

If the BBC correspondent reported during the election to Chattisgarh state Assembly last November that posters were put up by Maoists warning people their fingers would be chopped off if votes were cast, a special editorial in Dainik Bhaskar went a step ahead alleging that Maoists had chopped off the fingers of several people! It is the reactionary rulers who run the print and electronic media in the country and the versions of the police are given credence at the cost of truth. And BBC is no holy cow; it is the mouth-piece of the imperialists. Its role in spreading stories of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and attempts to manufacture consent for the invasion of Iraq is well-known. It is no surprise that it has tried to mislead the people by spreading canards and lies against the Maoists in Chattisgarh. One more point has to be kept in mind here: it is often the police that put up posters and issue statements and leaflets in the name of the Maoists to discredit us. It is part of the psychological warfare of the enemy on which he spends hundreds of crores of rupees every year. The communal fascists like the BJP-VHP-RSS-Bajrang Dal and other reactionaries too put up such posters in their attempt to build public opinion against the Maoists. Hence the media should go a bit deeper than what appears on the surface.

Maoists never use coercive methods on the people. That is why the toiling, suffering, oppressed masses love the Maoists and are proud of the PLGA (Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army).

MIB:
What do you think of Advani’s slogan of bringing back black money from foreign banks for investing in India? Is it realizable and would it help the Indian economy in this hour of unprecedented economic crisis?

A:
[laughing aloud] This will stand out as the biggest joke of the millennium. Whose black money would Advani bring back from foreign banks? That of the big landlords and big comprador business houses? That of the havala dealers, smugglers and real estate mafia? That of the unscrupulous contractors, traders, money-lenders and hoarders? Would anyone believe that Advani would cut off the tree on which he/she is sitting? And how has Advani discovered, all of a sudden, that lakhs of crores of rupees of unaccounted money is stashed away in foreign banks? Did he not know of the black money when he was the Home Minister and his saffron gang was in power before Manmohan Singh’s khaki gang took over? Every rogue begins to indulge in populist rhetoric just before the election. For five long years before the election and, of course, another five years after the election, the issue is pushed into cold storage. This very fact shows the hypocrisy and the ulterior motives of these crooks.

Due to the contradictions within the ruling classes, it is possible that a tiny fraction of the black money belonging to those who are rabidly opposed to the BJP is targeted. We had witnessed this under Hitler. But, overall, black money would grow faster and in greater quantity under fascist regimes, whether saffron fascism of the BJP or the khadi fascism of Congress. Indian people are not fools to be taken in by the rhetoric of Advani. Without black money one cannot even imagine the existence of a BJP, a Congress, a CPI(M), or any other parliamentary party. Black money is the life-blood of the political mainstream of India. They contest elections using black money with the sole goal of multiplying their black money. Over a trillion dollars of black money is said to have been hidden abroad by India’s filthy ruling elite who fund and run BJP, Congress and all parliamentary parties as their political representatives.

Why abroad? Black money is flowing right in front our eyes. One ground-level survey in the country would reveal several trillion dollars of black money. Just ask how a political leader, a bureaucrat, a police official or an encounter specialist, a contractor or a stock broker how he came into possession of several crores of rupees worth of property that is not shown in the income tax. Confiscate such unaccounted property and assets and I am certain there will be no dearth of funds for the reconstruction of the country. A tiny stratum—around five lakhs or at the most three million as some put it—is holding the lifelines of our economy, dominates over our society and controls the state. It is only our Party—the CPI(Maoist)—that is capable of ferreting out this huge, mind-boggling sums of illegal money and restore it to the people to whom it actually belongs. No other Party, by its very class nature and vested class interests, is capable of such a task. In fact, it was precisely when the CPI(Maoist) touched upon the issue of urban land grabbed by the ruling elite of Andhra Pradesh in Hyderabad’s posh localities that YSR turned mad, broke off the talks abruptly and unleashed the most cruel attack on the Maoists. Forget bringing back black money from abroad, the rulers would, in fact, go to any extent in protecting their black money even if it meant unleashing the most brutal attacks and massacres.

MIB: What is the impact of the current global economic crisis on the Indian parliamentary elections?

A: The current global economic crisis certainly has a deep impact on the Indian economy, society and the political scenario. It has a devastating effect on the Indian economy due to the total dependence on imperialists for exports and imports and license given to the imperialist FIIs to gamble in the Indian stock markets. The attempts of UPA government to resolve the crisis through monetary measures rather than boosting the real economy had led to disastrous results. It has led to a redistribution of wealth from the poor to a handful of wealthy families.

Today, due to the anti-people policies of the reactionary rulers just one lakh families hold assets worth $ 350 billion (Rs. 17.5 lakh crores) or a little less than half the country’s GDP. The combined wealth of 53 billionaires in India amounts to 31 % of the country’s GDP. At the same time 83.6 crores of Indian people or 77 % of the population live on less than Rs.20 a day. According to the Global Hunger Index of 2007, India ranks 94 out of 118 countries tailing behind even countries like Pakistan and Ethiopia. All the so-called rates of growth of GDP and development had only led to trickling down poverty. In spite of such glaring inequalities, the reactionary rulers are continuing their regressive policies of tax breaks and write-offs to the corporate-financial houses while taxing the poor and resorting to cuts in social welfare spending. Overall, the reactionary policies had further accentuated all the contradictions in Indian society.

The current political scenario being witnessed in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections reflects the deepening social contradictions and crisis in the Indian economy and society. India is undoubtedly heading towards a grave social explosion.

MIB: How real is the threat posed by terrorism to the country as alleged by every political party in the country? What do you think will be the role of the anti-terrorism card played up particularly by the two major alliances—UPA and NDA—on the election results?

A: The real threat to the stability and integrity of our country, as our Party has been stressing continuously, emanates from the so-called political mainstream, particularly from the two biggest parties—the Congress and the BJP. These are also the most trusted representatives or agents of the imperialists and the comprador big bourgeoisie. It is in their interest to keep the society divided as this would disrupt the class unity among the toiling masses, diverts them from their burning issues and the real path of their liberation, and helps the comprador ruling classes to perpetuate their rule. The very nature of our “parliamentary democracy” and the way elections are conducted, also gives scope for creating further divisions among the people, whip up communal passions, and create a sense of insecurity and helplessness.

Terrorism, and that too terrorism instigated by the foreign hand, is the card used by every reactionary from George Bush down to our local Bajrang Dal or Shiv Sena hoodlum to divide the people and divert them from the real issues confronting the country. A sense of insecurity among the people is very much needed if the reactionary rulers wish to have their way unquestioned. Insecurity grants license to kill, maim, loot and whatever you can. Promoting terror and unleashing a so-called war on terror have become extremely necessary for the reactionary rulers all over the world. It is the military-industrial complex in the US—Halliburtons, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin and others—that gained the most from so-called war on terror and had pushed the US into wars of aggression against Afghanistan, Iraq and itching for wars against Iran, North Korea and elsewhere. Hence they would go on pushing the so-called war on terror.

Likewise, in India, the comprador Tatas, Ambanis, Mittals, Ruias, Jindals, etc have much to gain in the ‘war against terror’. Thousands of crores worth deals are involved. The police top brass has a lot to gain by spinning tales of terror. Thousands of crores of rupees are sought by the police department to fight terror. And the police officials can have a field day by pocketing a big chunk of these funds. If there is no terror incident then they create one by placing a crude bomb in a dust-bin or a park or wherever you want, create a furore, get funds sanctioned for eliminating terror, eliminate some innocent people or put them behind bars, claim an astounding victory in the war against terror and get promotions for the bravery of the officers in knocking down the terrorists in “ fierce encounters”. And the same cycle goes on and on. Exposures of these despicable acts by the top rogues in the police department, revelations of the hundreds of crores grabbed by ‘encounter specialists’ who had been the blue-eyed boys of the media till yesterday, make little impact. The non-stop visuals in the electronic media (most of it being police versions or concoctions by the saffron or khadi gangs) create an atmosphere favourable to carry on the ‘war against terror’, a sense of urgency to the task, prepare the psychological make-up of the people for further fascisation of the state and curtailing of the rights of citizens, in short, manufacture consent for the unbridled loot by the Indian counterparts of Halliburtons and Lockheeds.

In the current elections both the BJP and the Congress have been trying to compete with one another in creating a terrorist scare and each assuring the people that it alone is capable of controlling the terrorists. But these Parties which actually sponsor terrorism cannot fool the people through their rhetoric. Their rhetoric will not help them gain credibility or have an impact on the electoral outcome. People know the links between the saffron gangs and the blasts at Malegaon, Samjhautha Express and other places. They know how deep the roots of saffron terrorism are in the state apparatus, especially the Indian Army. It is only by impartial investigation into every anti-people act by the Congress hoodlums and BJP’s saffron gangsters, and meting out speedy punishments to these culprits that would contribute to mitigating the acts of counter-terror by the aggrieved religious communities.

MIB: Going by the clean chit recently given by the CBI to Jagadish Tytler in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, is there any hope that the victims of those riots will ever get justice?

A: Anyone who knows the class character of the Indian state, its pro-Hindu bias, and the long history of state-sponsored attacks and persecution of religious minorities in the country cannot fail to see how it is next to impossible for the religious minorities in India to secure justice within the framework of the existing socio-political system. Not a single Hindu communalist-chauvinist leader or member of the mainstream political parties involved in instigating, and even leading, attacks on Muslims and Christians, has been punished in the six decades after the transfer of power from the British imperialists to the comprador-feudal classes in India.

None but the investigating agencies have any doubt about the involvement of Sajjan Kumar, HKL Bhagat, Jagadeesh Tytler and other Congress leaders in the massacre of innocent Sikhs in 1984. Likewise, the active involvement and leadership provided by LK Advani, Vajpayee, Murali Manohar Joshi, Ashok Singhal, Praveen Togadia, Vinay Katiyar and other Hindu communal-bigots in demolishing Babari Masjid and setting the entire country into communal conflagration is universally known. So is the role of saffron-clad butcher Narendra Modi who had indulged in ethnic-cleansing of Muslims in Gujarat indisputable. But none of these criminals has been punished and, on the contrary, they have their own commissions which exonerate them of their crimes. Nanavti commission’s exoneration of Narendra Modi or CBI’s clean chit to Tytler show the extent to which the so-called commissions and investigating agencies have become communalized, degenerated and politicized. It is only when they have a political axe to grind that these come out with some names at times. Such is the criminal justice system in India that no victim in general can expect justice and, in case of police killings of religious minorities or state-sponsored murders justice is like an oasis.

It is only the people’s courts that can mete out justice to the victims as one can witness in our jan adalats in Dandakaranya. Tytlers and Modis cannot remain unpunished forever despite the protection provided by the pro-Hindu Indian state and clean chit by Hindu chauvinist or mercenary commissions. People will certainly punish them however long it might take.

MIB: Will the CPI(Maoist) and its PLGA too carry out punishments of these communal-fascists?

A: Our Party—CPI(Maoist)—is an integral, indivisible part of the people and hence one need only wonder if we do not carry out the decisions of the people and fulfill their aspirations.

MIB: What is the alternative that the Maoists have in mind to the present parliamentary democracy in India? There is increasing noise by the ruling quarters that Maoists are opposed to development and the electoral success of Maoists in Nepal is shown as a model to be emulated in India too.

A: The alternative to the so-called parliamentary democracy and the fake elections that are conducted as a ritual every few years is people’s democracy where it is the people, and not a few money-bags, who decide the destiny of the country and their own lives. It is the genuine democracy that is seen from the grass-roots level to the top and not vice versa. You can see the grass-roots democracy at work in the vast tracts of Dandakaranya where the Maoists are running a parallel government. There the people are supreme and every decision is made through gram sabhas or assemblies of the people and not by invisible hands. People are encouraged to criticize the Maoists if they commit any mistakes or excesses. Everything is transparent—as clear as daylight—for the people have nothing to hide unlike the traitors and double-dealers in the Parliament and Assemblies whose very existence depends on hiding their every nefarious activity. There criminals like Modis, Advanis, Singhals and Togadias or Tytlers, Sajjan Kumars and HKL Bhagats cannot loiter for years without end only to be finally. On the other hand, such criminals get punishments instantly in people’s courts.

These people’s courts will, of course, be refined further but the content remains the same—deliverance of real and speedy justice by taking the side of the oppressed and persecuted people. Money power, muscle power and other considerations have absolutely no role to play unlike in the existing judicial system in the country.

MIB: Finally how do you sum up your stand on the parliamentary elections in India?

A: Parliamentary elections do not bring any radical change in the unjust, exploitative and oppressive semi-colonial semi-feudal socio-economic system or solve the basic problems of the people. Parliamentary institutions are meant only to protect, serve and further strengthen the status quo. They are mere talking shops and can never adopt policies that would ameliorate the living standards of the people; they are powerless institutions as policies are decided not in parliament and assemblies but by a small coterie in consultation with the representatives of the big feudal landlords, CBB and imperialist agencies. What is worse, even the policies that are passed in the parliament are hardly ever discussed and at times are pushed through in the absence of none-tenths of the strength of the House.

Parliamentary institutions and elections to these institutions, like any other institutions of the state, have a class nature in a class-divided society like India; they can never represent the interests of the vast masses of toiling people but only those of a tiny elite ruling the country in collusion with the imperialists.

Elections are a safety valve that are used as a vent to let out the frustration, anger and hatred of the masses without endangering the interests of the exploiting ruling classes or the unjust system they represent. Elections are meant to create illusions in the minds of the people about an electoral alternative. When one ruling party gets thoroughly exposed for its anti-people policies another equally rapacious party is projected as an alternative and thus people are led astray from seeking the real path of their liberation; their anger is sought to be directed against one party and replace it by another equally anti-people party.

Elections are held to create legitimacy to the exploitative system and so-called Parliamentary democracy which has lost credibility in the eyes of the people. By imposing the fraud of elections, even the most of notorious criminals, dacoits, corrupt leaders, communal-fascist parties and imperialist stooges (as all parties are) seek to gain legitimacy and wash off their crimes and notorious anti-people misdeeds.

Parliamentary elections held in India are not even based on bourgeois democratic consciousness and values but based on feudal values, ideas, caste-based politics, communal passions, regional sentiments, and money power and muscle power. All these factors basically determine the outcome of the elections though at times negative vote also plays a role in replacing one Party with another. Hence communal flare-ups, caste riots, ethnic riots etc are organized by the parties in order to build up their social base to win the elections.

Elections are the prerogative of the rich, and the poor have absolutely no role to play in contesting the elections; only those who have enormous wealth or are patronized by the wealthy have the opportunity to contest elections. Even among the major political parties it is only the wealthy who can get the tickets as it requires lot of money to bribe the High Command.

Finally, it is not the path of elections but the path of militant revolutionary struggle that can solve the people’s problems. The path to the liberation of the people lies in carrying forward the people’s war to final victory by overthrowing the feudal and comprador capitalist class and their imperialist masters and establishing people’s revolutionary power throughout the country. Needless to say, even if a Maoist party wins the elections in exceptional conditions, as in Nepal, it cannot change the socio-economic system or the class character of the state which can be smashed only through revolutionary means.
Boycott of elections is a democratic right of the masses. Genuine elections can take place only in a new democratic setup which can emerge only after overthrowing imperialism, feudalism and CBB.

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