Bhilai Steel Plant in Chhattisgarh faces shutdown due to lack of iron ore as Maoists oppose mining

India Today

The Centre is worried that one of the country’s biggest steel plants, the 53-year-old Bhilai Steel Plant in Chhattisgarh, will have to be closed down in the next three years as it runs out of iron ore supplies.

A high-level meeting was held at the Union Home Hinistry on Monday, attended by home secretary R.K. Singh, steel secretary DRS Chaudhary and Chhattisgarh’s chief secretary and director-general of police after reports that Naxals are bitterly opposing mining in a new area called Rowghat for the Bhilai Steel Plant as well as the construction of a railway line to transport the iron ore from Rowghat to the plant.

The new railway line will pass through Maoist zones.

Mining the new reserves is crucial as the existing iron ore reserves at Dalli Rajhara area, which keep the steel plant running now, will be exhausted by 2015. The new mining project involves deforestation in an area of over 2,030 hectares in Kanker and Narayanpur districts, both Naxal hotbeds. Further, the proposed 235-km railway line will run through Abujmad, also a red zone.

Rowghat is estimated to have 510 million tonnes of iron ore reserves, sufficient to keep the plant running for decades.

The Chhattisgarh government has said it has no security force to spare for the project. At Monday’s meeting, it was decided that an exclusive force will be created drawing personnel from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Border Security Force (BSF) and the Chhattisgarh Armed Police for the purpose.

Till then, two battalions from the CRPF and the BSF will guard the mining area and the railway line, for which all necessary forest and environmental clearances have been given.

At present, only four CRPF and BSF companies are posted in the area and, hence, are in no position to provide foolproof security to workers engaged in the deforestation of the mine area. The Home Ministry wants the state police to provide a matching force but the Chhattisgarh Police are non-committal.

The Bhilai Steel Plant is India’s first and primary producer of steel rails and the sole supplier of the country’s longest rail tracks, which measure 260 metres. It is a flagship unit of the Steel Authority of India and its largest and most profitable facility.

To keep the plant running, the Steel Ministry identified Rowghat for fresh iron ore mining. For the purpose, no village will be displaced. Only the area will be deforested and a new railway line constructed.

But Naxals are objecting to the plan to mine the area as well as the new railway line, which will pass through Maoist zones such as Balod, Kanker, Narayanpur, Kondangaon and Jagdalpur districts. The home secretary, in Monday’s meeting, asked the Chhattisgarh government and the steel ministry to make the tribal people aware of the benefits of the project.

The Chhattisgarh Police are of the view that as the mine area and the railway line are close to Abujmad, it will invite violent reaction from the Maoists as well as local tribals. Sources said the project was destined to run into rough weather as no amount of security can protect every inch of the proposed railway line, which is going to be the lifeline of the steel plant – the plant literally drives the economy of the region. The home ministry has suggested that both the projects – deforestation and the railway line – should be taken up simultaneously.

മുണ്ട്

                                                                    (കെ ജി ശങ്കരപ്പിള്ള)

എന്‍റെ മുണ്ടിന്‍റെ കരയുടെ നിറം ഇളകുമായിരുന്നു.
ഓരോ തവണയും ഡോബി പറഞ്ഞു:

   ഓരോ തവണ അലക്കുമ്പോഴും
   ഈ ചുവപ്പ് ഇളകി വരുന്നു.
   ഇതിനുംമാത്രം ചുവപ്പിതിനുള്ളിലെവിടിരിക്കുന്നു!
   ഇത്തരം ചിലത് ഇതിനുമുമ്പും ഞാന്‍ കണ്ടിട്ടുണ്ട്;
   നിഷേധികള്‍. അനുസരണംകെട്ടവ.

ഒടുവിലൊടുവില്‍ ഡോബിക്ക് വാശിയേറി:

    നാശം
    ഈ ചുവപ്പിളക്കമൊന്നു നിറുത്താമോന്നുനോക്കട്ടെ.

എന്ന് പറഞ്ഞിട്ട് പോയി

അടുത്ത തവണ ഡോബി വളരെ വൈകി വന്നു

വിധി പറയാന്‍ ജഡ്ജി ഫയല്‍ തുറക്കുന്ന ഗൗരവത്തില്‍
ഒന്നും മിണ്ടാതെ
മേശപ്പുറത്ത് വെച്ച് മുണ്ടുകെട്ടഴിച്ചു.
ആ മുണ്ട് അസാധാരണമാംവിധം വെളുത്ത്
ഒരു നാഗരികനെപ്പോലെ സുന്ദരനായിരുന്നു.
എടുത്തു നിവര്‍ക്കുമ്പോള്‍
ആകെ കീറിപറിഞ്ഞിരുന്നു
രക്തചുവപ്പിന്‍റെ വേലിയേറ്റമുണ്ടായിരുന്ന ഓരോ ഞരമ്പും
കരിമ്പാറയിലെ അടിയും തൊഴിയുമേറ്റ്
വിളറി വെളുത്തുപോയിരുന്നു

                     പക്ഷേ, അപ്പോഴേക്കും
       കൂട്ടത്തിലുള്ളവ മുഴുവന്‍ ചുവന്നുകഴിഞ്ഞിരുന്നു
             പുഴകളും തടാകങ്ങളും മുഴുവന്‍
                         ചുവന്നുകഴിഞ്ഞിരുന്നു


(നിഷ്ഠൂരമായ അടിച്ചമര്‍ത്തലുകള്‍ക്കിടയിലും മാവോയിസ്റ്റ് പ്രസ്ഥാനം കാട്ടുതീ പോലെ പടരുന്നതായി ഭരണകൂടവിലയിരുത്തലുകള്‍. ഇന്ത്യയില്‍ ഇന്നേ വരെ ചെങ്കൊടി കണ്ടിട്ടില്ലാത്ത വടക്കുകിഴക്കന്‍ സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങളില്‍ വരെ ജനകീയ യുദ്ധത്തിനു തുടക്കം കുറിക്കാന്‍ തക്ക വളര്‍ച്ച പ്രസ്ഥാനം നേടിക്കഴിഞ്ഞിരുക്കുന്നു. ആസാമില്‍ നിന്നും മറ്റും മാവോയിസ്റ്റുകളും സൈന്യവും തമ്മിലുള്ള ഏറ്റുമുട്ടല്‍ വാര്‍ത്തകള്‍ വന്നു തുടങ്ങുന്നു. ചിത്രത്തില്‍ കാണുന്നത് ആസാമിലെ ഒരു മാവോയിസ്റ്റ് വനിതാ ഗറില്ലപോരാളി )

Obama has a Monsanto plan for Africa: (Beware of Genetic Engineers Bearing Gifts)

AlterNet 

How the US Sold Africa to Multinationals Like Monsanto, Cargill, DuPont, PepsiCo and Others

The G8 scheme does nothing to address the problems that are at the core of hunger and malnutrition but will serve only to further poverty and inequality.

May 23, 2012  |  Driving through Ngong Hills, not far from Nairobi, Kenya, the corn on one side of the road is stunted and diseased. The farmer will not harvest a crop this year. On the other side of the road, the farmer gave up growing corn and erected a greenhouse, probably for growing a high-value crop like tomatoes. Though it's an expensive investment, agriculture consultants now recommend them. Just up the road, at a home run by Kenya Children of Hope, an organization that helps rehabilitate street children and reunite them with their families, one finds another failed corn crop and another greenhouse. The director, Charity, is frustrated because the two acres must feed the rescued children and earn money for the organization. After two tomato crops failed in the new greenhouse, her consultant recommended using a banned, toxic pesticide called carbofuran.

Will Obama's New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition help farmers like Charity? The New Alliance was announced in conjunction with the G8 meeting last Friday. Under the scheme, some 45 corporations, including Monsanto, Syngenta, Yara International, Cargill, DuPont, and PepsiCo, have pledged a total of $3.5 billion in investment in Africa. The full list of corporations and commitments has just been released, and one of the most notable is Yara International's promise to build a $2 billion fertilizer plant in Africa. Syngenta pledged to build a $1 billion business in Africa over the next decade. These promises are not charity; they are business.

This is par for the course for the attempted “second green revolution” that is currently underway. The Gates Foundation and its Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa are working to build up a network of private seed companies and private agro-dealers across Africa. The goal is to increase average fertilizer use in Africa by more than a factor of six and to decrease the distance each African farmer must travel to reach a shop selling seeds and inputs. Those who support this vision have heaped praise on Obama and the G8's New Alliance. In fact, with both Republican and Democratic support, this is one of the only things both parties agree on.

But what do actual Africans think? Not just the elite, but the peasant farmers? Charity, for her part, is frustrated. Most of Kenya's land is arid or semi-arid, making agriculture difficult if not impossible. But Ngong Hills receive adequate rainfall – or they did anyway. The climate crisis has changed the previously reliable rainfall patterns within Kenya and even a wet area like Ngong Hills is suffering. The stunted, diseased corn one sees there was planted from the “best” store-bought seed and ample chemical fertilizer was applied. The crop failure was not due to lack of inputs.

In another part of the country, about an hour from Nairobi, Samuel Nderitu points out more failed corn crops. Corn – or maize as Kenyans call it – has been the main staple since Kenya was colonized by the British. But the corn growing on the demonstration farm of Nderitu's NGO, Grow Biointensive Agricultural Center of Kenya (G-BIACK) is healthy and thriving. So are G-BIACK's other vegetable crops and fruit trees. Why will he harvest a successful crop when his next-door neighbor will not?

G-BIACK is an organic farming training center, and the crops there were grown with manure and compost instead of chemical fertilizer. G-BIACK also saves seeds instead of purchasing seeds from the store. The farmers in this region, near the city of Thika, farm tiny plots – as small as one-fifth of an acre and averaging one acre. Many use chemical fertilizer, but since it is expensive, they often fail to use enough. “Here, in Kenya, if you plant anything without chemical fertilizer, if you don't know anything about organic farming, it can't grow,” says Nderitu. But, as G-BIACK proves, those who do know how to farm organically achieve great success. G-BIACK was named the NGO of the Year in 2010 by the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization and the Government of Kenya. And its next-door neighbor with the failed crop is now attending its trainings to learn organic farming.

Don’t Put Monsanto in Charge of Ending Hunger in Africa

Written by Yifat Susskind 

This past weekend, President Obama hid out from protesters at Camp David. He was hosting the leaders of the world’s eight wealthiest economies, known as the G8. As they readied to meet, on Friday, Obama put forward his New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition.

This occasion gave Rajiv Shah, the administrator of the US Agency for International Development, the chance to make an astonishing statement:

“We are never going to end hunger in Africa without private investment. There are things that only companies can do, like building silos for storage and developing seeds and fertilizers.”

That’s news to millions of women farmers in Africa. Their harvests feed their families and generate income that sustains local economies. For generations, they have been doing just those things: storing their harvests, protecting and developing seeds, using natural fertilizers.

Smallholder women farmers save and exchange seeds that help keep local crops viable. They demonstrate how to adapt to climate change by adjusting planting cycles, experimenting with new drought-resistant crops and more. They produce crucial food supplies using the small-scale, organic methods that are increasingly recognized as vital to the health of the planet—and everyone who lives on it.

There are differences, of course. Unlike big companies, small-scale women farmers do not grab millions of acres of land for monoculture plantations that destroy local biodiversity. They do not develop the terminator seeds that hold farmers hostage to the seed patent rights of corporations. They are not the inventors of chemical fertilizers that worsen climate change.

Those honors belong to the very companies that President Obama is inviting to oversee Africa’s food security. We know that their primary goal is not anybody’s food security but their own bottom line. That’s why it’s governments, and not corporations like Monsanto, that should bear responsibility for funding and developing agriculture. It is simply not true that only companies can build silos and develop seeds and fertilizers.

President Obama anticipated these criticisms when he addressed “whether this New Alliance is just a way for governments to shift the burden onto somebody else.” He was quick to assure that, even in hard economic times, his administration would continue to make investments in development aid. Let’s make sure that those investments work to prioritize the right to food over corporate profits.

Because here’s the truth: we’re never going to end hunger in Africa without upholding the rights of smallholder women farmers who feed the continent and care for its ecosystems.

This post was originally published by Common Dreams.

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പ്രദീപ്‌ കുമാര്‍ 


അധോലോകത്തിനെ അസൂയപ്പെടുത്തുന്ന തരത്തിലുള്ള കൊലപാതകങ്ങളും, അതിക്രമങ്ങളും നടത്തുവാനുള്ള സിപിഎം-ന്‍റെ വൈഭവം പുതിയതല്ല. റവല്യൂഷനറി മാര്‍ക്സിസ്റ്റ്‌ പാര്‍ട്ടി നേതാവായ ടി പി ചന്ദ്രശേഖരന്‍റെ നിഷ്ഠൂരമായ ഹത്യയും ഇത് തെളിയിക്കുന്നു. പക്ഷേ ഈ വൈഭവം സിപിഎം-നു മാത്രമല്ല മറ്റു ഭരണവര്‍ഗ പാര്‍ട്ടികള്‍ക്കും സ്വായത്തമാണ്. കോണ്‍ഗ്രസ്സും, ബിജെപിയും, മുസ്ലീം ലീഗുമെല്ലാം ഈ മേഖലയില്‍ തങ്ങളുടെ കഴിവ് വേണ്ടത്ര തെളിയിച്ചവരാണ്. അതുകൊണ്ട് തന്നെ ചന്ദ്രശേഖരന്‍റെ  കൊലപാതകം സിപിഎം-ന്‍റെ കേവലമായ രാഷ്ട്രീയ പകപോക്കലിന്‍റെ തലത്തില്‍ മാത്രമായി കാണാനാവില്ല. കേരളത്തിലെ മുഖ്യധാരാ രാഷ്ട്രീയമെത്തിനില്‍ക്കുന്ന സവിശേഷസന്ദര്‍ഭത്തിന്‍റെ സൂചനയായി ഈ സംഭവത്തെ വിലയിരുത്തേണ്ടതുണ്ട്. തികച്ചും ഉപരിപ്ലവമായ ഭിന്നതകള്‍ മാത്രമാണ് കേരളത്തിന്‍റെ മുഖമുദ്രയായ ഇടതു-വലതു മുന്നണികളെന്ന ഭരണവര്‍ഗ രാഷ്ട്രീയം. അടിസ്ഥാനപരമായ ഭിന്നതകള്‍ ഇല്ലെന്നുമാത്രമല്ല മുന്നണികള്‍ ഒരേ ബിന്ദുവില്‍ യോജിക്കുന്നതിന്‍റെ തെളിവുകളാണ് ദൈനംദിന  രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെ സൂക്ഷ്മമായി വിലയിരുത്തുമ്പോള്‍ മനസിലാവുക. പൊതുമുതല്‍ സ്വകാര്യ മൂലധനത്തിന് കൈമാറുന്ന പ്രവര്‍ത്തനമാണ് ഭരണമെന്ന പേരില്‍ ഇവിടെ അരങ്ങേറുന്നത്. അതിന്‍റെ ഉത്തമോദാഹരണമാണ് ദേശീയപാതാ വികസനം.  ദേശീയപാതാ വികസനം 30 മീറ്ററായി പരിമിതപ്പെടുത്തണമെന്ന ഒന്നാം സര്‍വകക്ഷി യോഗത്തിന്‍റെ തീരുമാനത്തെ അട്ടിമറിച്ചുകൊണ്ട് 45 മീറ്ററില്‍ പാത വികസിപ്പിക്കാനുള്ള തീരുമാനമെടുക്കുന്നത് പിണറായി വിജയന്‍, രമേശ്‌ ചെന്നിത്തല, കുഞ്ഞാലിക്കുട്ടി എന്നിവര്‍ ചേര്‍ന്ന രണ്ടാം സര്‍വകക്ഷി യോഗമാണ്. ദേശീയ പാതാവികസന അതോറിറ്റിയുടെ ധനസഹായം കേരളത്തിനു ലഭിക്കുകയില്ലെന്ന യുക്തിയാണ് ഇക്കാര്യത്തില്‍ ഇവര്‍ ഉന്നയിക്കുന്ന കാര്യം. സംസ്ഥാനത്തെ ആയിരക്കണക്കിന് കുടുംബങ്ങളെ വഴിയാധാരമാക്കി, ഊഹിക്കാനാവാത്ത തരത്തിലുള്ള ലാഭം സ്വകാര്യ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക് ലഭ്യമാക്കുകയും ചെയ്യുന്ന പാതവികസനത്തിനെതിരെ സമൂഹത്തിലാകെ പ്രതിഷേധമുയരുമ്പോള്‍ അതിന്‍റെ മുന്‍നിരയില്‍ നില്‍ക്കുന്നതിനുപകരം എതിര്‍ദിശയിലാണ് കേരളത്തിലെ മുഖ്യധാരാ കക്ഷികളുടെ നില. സംസ്ഥാനത്തിന്‍റെ സവിശേഷമായ ആവാസവ്യവസ്ഥ കണക്കിലാക്കി പാതവികസനത്തിന്‍റെ കാര്യത്തില്‍ പ്രത്യേക ഇളവുകള്‍ നേടിയെടുക്കാനുള്ള ഇച്ചാശക്തിയില്ലെങ്കില്‍ കേരളത്തിലെ ഈ രാഷ്ട്രീയ പാര്‍ട്ടികളുടെ പ്രസക്തിയെന്താണ്‌? ദേശീയപാത അതോറിറ്റിയിലെ ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥരെടുക്കുന്ന നയപരമായ തീരുമാനത്തെ ചോദ്യം ചെയ്യാനും, തിരുത്തുവാനുമുള്ള ശേഷിയില്ലാത്ത ഈ കക്ഷികളെ എന്തിനാണ് കേരളത്തിലെ ജനങ്ങള്‍ ചുമക്കുന്നത്? കേരളത്തിന്‍റെ സവിശേഷമായ പ്രശ്നങ്ങളില്‍ മാത്രമല്ല സംസ്ഥാനത്തെ പൊതു സമ്പത്തുകകളായ വനം, ജലം, ധാതുക്കള്‍, സമുദ്രതീരം, നെല്‍പ്പാടങ്ങള്‍ - തുടങ്ങിയ ഏത് മേഖലയെടുത്താലും ഇത്തരത്തിലുള്ള ചോദ്യങ്ങള്‍  സ്വാഭാവികമായെത്തുക ഈ കക്ഷികളുടെ ഭരണവര്‍ഗ സേവയുടെ സ്വഭാവത്തിലെ ഐക്യപ്പെടലിലാണ്. അതിന്‍റെ വിശദാംശങ്ങളിലേക്ക് ഇവിടെ കടക്കുന്നില്ല. ഇത്തരമൊരു പശ്ചാത്തലത്തിലാണ് ചന്ദ്രശേഖരന്‍റെ കൊലപാതകത്തെ വിലയിരുത്തുവാനാവുക. 

ചന്ദ്രശേഖരനെപ്പോലെയുള്ള ഒരാളെ ഹീനമായനിലയില്‍ കൊലപ്പെടുത്തിയതിനോടുള്ള സ്വാഭാവികമായ പ്രതിഷേധവും, അറപ്പും ഹൃസ്വകാലത്തേക്ക് മാത്രം നിലനില്‍ക്കുന്നതാണെന്നും, അതുകഴിഞ്ഞാല്‍ 'രാഷ്ട്രീയം' അതിന്‍റെ സ്വാഭാവികമായ ദൈനംദിനവ്യവഹാരങ്ങളിലേക്ക്  മടങ്ങുമെന്നും വ്യക്തമാണ്. ഭരണവര്‍ഗ രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തിന്‍റെ സ്വചന്ദതയിലെക്കുള്ള ഈ മടക്കത്തെ ചെറുക്കുകയാണ്, അനുവദിക്കാതിരിക്കലാണ് ചന്ദ്രശേഖരന്‍റെ രക്തസാക്ഷിത്വം ആവശ്യപ്പെടുന്നത്. അത് പൊലീസിന്‍റെ കേസന്വേഷണത്തിലൂടെ നേടാവുന്നതല്ല. കൊലപാതക രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെയും, നൈതികതയെയും, കേരളത്തിന്‍റെ 'മെച്ചപ്പെട്ട' ജനാതിപത്യത്തെയുംപറ്റിയുള്ള  ഉത്കണ്ടകള്‍ വിലയിരുത്തേണ്ട ഭൂമികയെന്താണ്? മൂലധനത്തിന്‍റെ വിശ്വസ്തസേവകരായ ഇടതു-വലതു മുന്നണികള്‍ അവയുടെ നിലനില്‍പ്പിനായി നടത്തുന്ന പതിവ് സംവാദങ്ങള്‍ക്ക് പകരം ബദലുകള്‍ അന്വേഷിക്കുകയാണ് അതിന്‍റെ ആദ്യപടി. ചന്ദ്രശേഖരന്‍റെ കൊലപാതകത്തിലുളവായ സ്വാഭാവികമായ  അമര്‍ഷം മാറ്റിനിര്‍ത്തിയാല്‍ ഈ വിഷയവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട മറ്റു പ്രധാനവാദങ്ങള്‍ എന്തെല്ലാമാണ്? വികസനവും, സിപിഎം-ന്‍റെ അക്രമ രാഷ്ട്രീയം, കമ്മ്യൂണിസ്റ്റ് അസഹിഷ്ണുത തുടങ്ങിയ പ്രമേയങ്ങളാണ് ഉയര്‍ന്നുവന്നിട്ടുള്ളത്‌. വികസനം X അക്രമം എന്ന പ്രമേയത്തെ മുന്‍നിര്‍ത്തിയാണ് കോണ്‍ഗ്രസ്സും മറ്റു കക്ഷികളും സിപിഎം-നെ നേരിടുന്നത്.

സിപിഎം വര്‍ഗസമരമൊന്നും നടത്തുന്നില്ലെന്ന തിരിച്ചറിവിന് സാമാന്യയുക്തി മതിയാകും. ഈ സാഹചര്യത്തിലാണ് ചന്ദ്രശേഖരനെപ്പോലുള്ളവരുടെ ഉന്മൂലനം സിപിഎം-ല്‍ തന്നെ അലോരസമുണ്ടാക്കുന്നത്. പദ്ധതിയോരോന്നിനും ശരാശരി 30 ശതമാനം വെട്ടുമേനി ലഭിക്കുന്ന 'വികസനം' പൊടിപൊടിക്കുന്ന സാഹചര്യത്തില്‍ ഇത്തരത്തിലുള്ള പങ്കപ്പാടുകളില്‍ ചെന്നുചാടുന്നതിന്‍റെ ആവശ്യകതയെപ്പറ്റിയുള്ള ഉത്കണ്ടകള്‍ സ്വാഭാവികമാണ്. അക്രമരാഷ്ട്രീയം വികസനത്തെ പിന്നോട്ടടിക്കുമെന്ന വാദഗതികളുടെ അടിത്തറയിതാണ്. അക്രമത്തെപ്പറ്റിയുള്ള അതിവൈകാരികമായ ഉത്കണ്ടകളുടെ സുപ്രധാനദൗത്യം ഭരണവര്‍ഗ വികസനവാദത്തില്‍ അന്തര്‍ലീനമായ അക്രമത്തെ മൂടിവക്കുകയും, നീതീകരിക്കുകയുമാണ്. ആയുധത്തിന്‍റെ നിയന്ത്രണം ഭരണവര്‍ഗത്തിന്‍റെ കൈകളില്‍ ഭദ്രമായിരിക്കുന്നിടത്തോളം  അക്രമം സാധാരണനിലയിലുള്ള നിയമം നടപ്പിലാക്കല്‍ മാത്രമാവുകയും, ഈ നീതിരാഹിത്യത്തിന്‍റെ ഇരകളുടെ ചെരുത്തുനില്‍പുകള്‍ അക്രമമായി വ്യാഖ്യാനിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന ഭരണവര്‍ഗ തന്ത്രം തിരിച്ചറിയേണ്ടതുണ്ട്. രണോത്സുകമായ പ്രതിഷേധങ്ങളും, സമരങ്ങളും ഭരണവര്‍ഗ സമ്മതികളുടെ കാപട്യത്തെ നിരന്തരം വെളിപ്പെടുത്തുന്ന വര്‍ത്തമാന സാഹചര്യത്തില്‍ അക്രമത്തെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള ഉത്കണ്ടകള്‍ ഭരണവര്‍ഗത്തിന്‍റെ  ഭാഗത്തുനിന്നുമുയരുന്നത് സ്വാഭാവികമാണ്. ചന്ദ്രശേഖരന്‍റെ ദാരുണമായ വധത്തിനോടുള്ള അമര്‍ഷത്തെയും, പ്രതിഷേധത്തെയും ഒരുതരത്തിലും വിലകുറച്ചുകാണുകയല്ല. എന്നാല്‍ ഈ പ്രതിഷേധങ്ങളും, അമര്‍ഷവും വ്യക്തമായ രാഷ്ട്രീയദിശാബോധം തേടേണ്ടതുണ്ട്. സിപിഎം-ന്‍റെ സോഷ്യല്‍ ഫാസിസ്റ്റ് സ്വഭാവം സംഘടനാപരമായ പിഴവല്ലെന്നും വളരെ ആഴത്തിലുള്ള ആശയപരമായ വ്യതിയാനങ്ങളുടെ ഫലമാണെന്നുമുള്ള ബോധത്തിന് ഈ ദിശാബോധം ആവശ്യമാണ്‌. അല്ലാത്തപക്ഷം, സോഷ്യല്‍ ഫാസിസ്റ്റുകളുടെ പകപോക്കലിനെ കമ്മ്യൂണിസ്റ്റുകാരുടെ 'ജനിതകമായ' അസഹിഷ്ണുതയായി അടയാളപ്പെടുത്തുന്ന രേഖീയമായ കഥാകഥനരീതിയുടെ ഉപഭോക്താക്കള്‍ മാത്രമായി നീതിബോധം പരിമിതപ്പെടും. അത്തരം പരിമിതപ്പെടുത്തലുകളാണ് മുഖ്യധാര മാധ്യമങ്ങളില്‍ നിറഞ്ഞു നില്‍ക്കുന്നത്. ഈ പരിമിതികളെ ഭേദിക്കുന്ന രാഷ്ട്രീയമായ ഉള്‍കാഴ്ചകളും അവബോധവുമാണ് വര്‍ത്തമാനകാലം നമ്മോട് ആവശ്യപ്പെടുന്നത്. 

Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh leader says fight for tribal rights to intensify

The quasi-political organisation, Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh, operating in Odisha’s Koraput and Malkangiri districts, has often been described as the frontal wing of the Andhra-Odisha Border Special Zonal Committee of Maoists. The organisation has been in the news since the abduction of Jhina Hikaka in March. It was alleged that the abduction was the result of a deal going sour between the BJD and the Sangh. Speaking to The Telegraph from a secret location in Narayanpatna, Sangh leader Nachika Linga maintained that the deal had taken place.

lIs it true that the Sangh is a frontal organisation of the Maoists?

We fight for the tribal rights and have nothing to do with the Maoists. Our mission is to destroy all the illegal manufacturing units of country liquor operating at our villages and give the land that the government has forcefully taken away from the tribal community back to them.

lBut why did the Maoists demand release of the Sangh members while they were negotiating with the government on Hikaka’s release?

The Maoists support our work for the tribals. They also feel that the Sangh members, who have been arrested, are innocent.

lWhat is your fight with the government about?

We want the government to give back the land taken away from the tribal people. Plus, the government should address basic problems, such as lack of irrigation facilities and healthcare centres and scarcity of teachers in schools. There is no anganwadi centre operating in Narayanpatna. Around 84 per cent people live below poverty line in Koraput. It’s been more than 60 years since we got Independence, but the government has paid no heed to our basic needs.

lYou are on the “most wanted” list of the state police. There are over 60 cases against you ranging from murder to waging war against the state.

These are false allegations. The government should set up an inquiry commission on this before issuing arrest warrants against me.

lDid you have an agreement with the BJD in which you said you would help the party win the Koraput zilla parishad’s presidential post if it agreed to your demands?

Yes that was the deal. MLAs, including Jayaram Pangi and Jhina Hikaka, signed it.

lWhat were the demands?

We wanted the government to remove all criminal charges against our members, who were earlier acquitted by the judiciary. Plus, we asked for an independent inquiry into the Narayanpatna police firing that took place in November 2009, in which our comrades Andru and Singhana were killed. We also asked for prohibition of liquor at our villages and all-around development. But, none of our demands has been met so far. Hikaka did not speak to chief minister Naveen Patnaik about our demands.

lThe Maoists took a written undertaking from Hikaka that he would resign as an MLA after his release. But, he hasn’t resigned yet. Does that mean he may be abducted again?

The Maoists released Hikaka because he was a tribal. Since Hikaka hasn’t kept his word, there is a possibility that he may be abducted again. He should now severe ties with his party and work for the people, especially for those in the most backward blocks — Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon.

lWhat is your support base? And what is your next course of action?

We have over 35,000 members. Our fight against the government will intensify in the coming months. We are planning to form a parallel governance system with the help of villagers to take care of our needs. Also, our uncontested elected leader, Juro Mauka, in the Koraput zilla parishad would ensure that welfare schemes reach our villagers.

Source: Telegraph - Calcutta

May Day Images from Across the World

                                                                  Spain

Holland

                                                                       Turkey

   

Russia 

New York

New York

Venezuela

Holland

Russia 

Lebanon

                                     
                                                                              Iraq

                                                                         Germany

                                                                 England

                                                                   Dhaka

May Day 2012 - To overcome the crisis of capitalism, proletarian revolution is the only solution!

“The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons — the modern working class — the proletarians.”

Marx & Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1847

165 years after its writing, this quote remains relevant. It allows us to understand the situation in which the proletariat and the broad popular masses in all countries find themselves, regardless of who leads the government: they live under a concealed dictatorship, be it a bourgeois democratic or a brutal one.

The imperialist bourgeoisie is looking for the maximum rate of profit; it is using the crisis as a pretext to achieve this objective by restructuring the system of production. Within this, the ruling classes in the oppressed countries try to maintain and possibly increase their share in the surplus. Such restructuring is affecting all countries; for the working class and the masses, it means the delocalization of large industries: plant closings,wage cuts, unemployment, debt, impoverishment, etc. But in the places where the new plants are to be opened, restructuring means land grabs, expropriation of local farmers,frenzied exploitation, poverty wages, destruction of the environment, etc.

The ruling classes use the state apparatus to suppress the proletariat’s struggles andprevent them and the masses from revolting and organizing for the revolution.

Everywhere, the State is more and more becoming a police state that brings the population under surveillance and repression.

Whether it is the “left” or right, no segment of the bourgeoisie has the capacity to solvethe crisis. The persistence of the crisis prepares the ground for fascism; fascism is advancing in disguise. It is building step by step through populist demagogy, relying on the economic crisis. In due time, it will show its true colors by aggressively defending the interests of finance capital. Meanwhile, competition between the different monopolist blocks raises the question of redivision of markets and therefore suggests new wars are on the horizon.

The class nature of the state is the central issue. The form it takes is only circumstantial.The primary purpose of the state is to serve the interests of the ruling class, that is to say,those of the imperialist bourgeoisie and/or of the comprador-bureaucrat bourgeoisie and landlords in the oppressed nations —which is a tiny minority compared to the vast majority of men, women and children who are facing exploitation worldwide. Given the crisis, this is becoming clearer to the masses. The central task of any revolution is to radically destroy the state apparatus and, thereafter, to build on its ruins a new and radically different state, with the objective of building socialism as a means of transition to communism. In other words, revolution is the only answer to the crisis!

Today, the proletariat and the masses are struggling and rebelling in many countries.These rebellions are expressed in different and varying ways: through general strikes, byfighting against high prices, against layoffs, for the right to work, against the crushing of militant trade unions, for the right to land, to protect the environment, through occupation of housing and empty land, youth rebellions against police violence and a life without work and without furure, struggles of women, etc.

In the Arab countries, after the uprisings that lacked a revolutionary leadership, the ruling classes and imperialism are regaining control of the situation in the name of“democracy;” they are enforcing the same rule of exploitation against the people by opposing the continuation of the revolutionary process. The protest movement’s focus isbeing diverted by imperialist interventions, by reactionary forces, by secular or religiousreformists crushed bloodily.

In the Arab oppressed countries, as well as in all the colonial and semi-colonial countries, it has become more and more important to develop the New Democratic Revolution, as part of the socialist revolution.

In the imperialist countries, the “Occupy” movement is reflecting the massive discontentof the people, but it does not sufficiently challenge the system in its entirety.

These proletarian struggles and rebellions are not revolutionary in and of themselves but they are a first step in the realization by the masses of the necessity of revolution. However it is important to unmask the path and illusions of a peaceful change, alternation, deceitful elections.

Today’s communists (the Maoists) must participate in and gradually take the lead of those struggles. They must build the revolutionary force of the proletariat at the ideological, political and organizational levels, and especially the three essential tools ofrevolution: a Maoist Communist Party, a revolutionary United Front, and an Armed Force, according to the particular situation.

We must struggle against reformists, revisionists and opportunists who lead the protest struggles with a conciliatory spirit in the existing trade unions and mass organizations;they only offer “solutions” within the current capitalist and imperialist system, spreadingthe illusion among the masses that the electoral and peaceful path may be a solution for the proletariat and the masses to overcome the crisis. They are an obstacle to the expansion of class struggle and the organization of the working class and the masses for revolution.

Meanwhile, the reactionaries are using differences of origin, religion and racism to divide the proletariat, the working class and the popular masses, as a trick to preserve their power.

Everywhere we must popularize and support the people’s wars currently being waged asspearhead of the fight against the crisis of imperialism.

Led by the CPI (Maoist), the People’s War in India is successfully resisting attacks from the enemy and is managing to expand and grow. The People’s War is also unfolding in the Philippines under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines, which upholds Maoism. In Peru, it is continuing despite the action from a liquidationist current. In Turkey, the revolutionary struggle led by the Maoists is advancing in accordance with the people’s war strategy. In other countries, new initiatives and advances are in preparation.

We must fight in a situation of uneven development to end the capitalist system over the whole world and build a new world free from exploitation, from peoples’ oppression anddeadly wars, for a socialist and communist world.

We must work to rebuild the international organization of communists, based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; we must apply MLM to the concrete reality of today, to jointly develop the struggle for revolution and establishing a Communist International of a new type.

Long Live Internationalist May Day!
Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan; Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari]; Maoist Communist Party–France; Maoist Communist Party–Italy; Maoist Communist Party of Manipur; Maoist Communist Party–Turkey/North-Kurdistan; Revolutionary Communist Party,  Canada; Founding Committee for the (maoist) Communist Party, Austria; Maoist Communist Movement, Tunisia; Maoist Communist Organization, Tunisia; Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of Morocco; Organization of Workers of Afghanistan (M-L-M); People Struggle Committee Manolo Bello, Galicia, Spanish State; Revolutionary Praxis, United Kingdom; Servir le Peuple, Occitany, French State, Democracy and Class, Wales (United Kingdom).

Haymarket Martyrs - Origin of International Workers Day - Ist May

എളുപ്പങ്ങള്‍, പ്രയാസങ്ങള്‍

എളുപ്പങ്ങള്‍,  പ്രയാസങ്ങള്‍ 

എസ്. ജോസഫ് 

പാളങ്ങള്‍ ഇരട്ടിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിനായി അരിഞ്ഞെടുത്ത 

മണല്‍തിട്ടയുടെ മുകളറ്റത്തുനിന്ന് ഒരാള്‍ 

മടക്കിക്കുത്തിയ മുണ്ടില്‍ കയ്യൂന്നിക്കൊണ്ട്

ചുറ്റുപാടും നോക്കുന്നു

തിട്ടയില്‍ മണ്‍പൊടി മൂടി ഒരു കൊച്ചു വീട് 

ഒരുപാട് നേരം പിടിച്ചിട്ട തീവണ്ടി പറക്കുകയാണ് ഇപ്പോള്‍ 

പാലം ഇരട്ടിപ്പിക്കുന്നതോടെ 

യാത്ര എളുപ്പമാകും 

മണ്‍തിട്ടയിലിരുന്ന പൊടിമൂടിയ വീടിന്‍റെ 

മണ്‍തിട്ടയില്‍ നിന്ന മനുഷ്യന്‍റെ കാര്യം പ്രയാസമാകും 

ഭാഷാപോഷിണിയില്‍ പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചത് 

India: Maoist roots in places which the government does not even know exist

Naxals are the govt in a village India just discovered

Harinder Baweja , Hindustan Times Bijapur, Chhattisgarh, April 22, 2012

Helicopters were kept on standby for casualty evacuation; targets were chosen with care after studying satellite images and the troops were warned — the encounters would be fierce and the naxals could be in the hundreds, even thousands. After weeks of planning, security forces armed with automatic rifles, satellite phones and Swedish Carl Gustav rocket launchers made their very first foray into the dense Abujhmad jungle, straddling the two states of Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh.  Abujhmad, or ‘unknown hill’ — 6,000 sq km of thick forest — has not been surveyed since the British.

As part of the operation, security forces had zoomed in on a map of the area with the help of Google Earth, on to a couple of structures they identified as a ‘naxal camp’. A plan was prepared to go in and take out the naxalites. The mission had a second aim — the stronghold had to be psychologically breached, since it is as much home to the naxals as it is a zone ‘liberated’ of all government control.

Primed for a fierce fight, weapons ready, the troops marched 70 km to the ‘naxal camp’.

What they found instead was a village with 15 to 20 thatched huts. The cluster of buildings the forces saw for the first time on Google Earth were homes of Muria tribals, now startled at the sight of armed men in uniform.

“Nobody knew there was a village called Bodiguda,” S Elango, CRPF DIG (operations) exclaimed, of a village that had been discovered for the first time since Independence.

The nameless, faceless tribals — who have never seen or heard of electricity or water taps, schools or dispensaries, men or machines — have grown up believing the naxals are the government. The rebels bring them rice and medicines and take care of their daily needs. They’ve never seen transport or ration through PDS; what they are familiar with is the Red army.

The closest to civilisation is a larger village — or town — called Behramgarh, 29 km away, which also has a police station but the tribals of Bodiguda
seldom venture there.

The grand strategy — to control the naxal spread — is to clear, hold and develop. Last month’s security operation that took weeks of planning ended with a one-hour exchange of fire in the jungles. Two injured jawans, no naxal arrests, and yes, the discovery of Bodiguda.

Early this week, home minister P Chidambaram, speaking of the Red threat to chief ministers, said they did not have the upper hand because “there are not enough men, weapons and vehicles, not enough roads, and not enough… civil administration.” He could well have added another line — and some states don’t know of villages where our own live.

Postscript: nobody knows how many Bodigudas lie nestled in the unknown hill.

How long will the 6000 Jharkhandi Adivasis languish in jail?

Sanhati

March 17, 2012

by Stan Swamy

“Mere membership of a banned organisation will not make a person a criminal … “
- Supreme Court on 3rd February 2011 (Criminal Appeal No(s). 889 of 2007)

“Mere possession of Maoist literature does not make a person a Maoist”
- Supreme Court , while granting bail to Dr. Binayak Sen on 15th April 2011

Context: in Jharkhand, during the past ten years, 550 young men & women were killed by the police & para-military forces as being Naxalites (Hindustan Times, Ranchi edition, 18.4. 2011.) There are now about 6000 Adivasis in jail (Ajay Sharma in Hindustan Times, 08.02.2012). The charge against the majority of them is that “Maoist literature” was found in their possession and that they are “helpers of Maoists”.

1. Mere possession of Maoist literature is not an offense

Observing that mere possession of Maoist literature would not be considered an offence of sedition, the Supreme Court granted bail to Dr.Binayak Sen.

The sad fact in Jharkhand is that in very many cases the police have arrested young men and women precisely because they had some “Naxalite literature” in their possession. What exactly constitutes ‘nNxalite literature’ has not been defined. The question is: Is any written material that is critical of the Government and its functioning forbidden in our democratic society? Is putting out pamphlets calling on people to resist displacement an offence? Is announcing rallies and public meetings to protest indiscriminate arrests of young people improper? Is calling on people to assert their rights on their jal, jangal, jamin not allowed?

What the police usually do is arrest a person on the alleged reason of having Naxal literature and then add on other clauses of the penal code on the hapless victim. Very sad to say, hundreds of young men and women are languishing in the different jails of Jharkhand under this accusation.

It is the urgent need of the hour that an independent commission is appointed to examine all the cases under this accusation and free them.

2. Mere membership of a banned organisation will not make a person a criminal unless he resorts to violence or incites people to violence or creates public disorder by violence or incitement to violence.

The court rejected the doctrine of ‘guilt by association’. Mere membership of a banned organisation will not incriminate a person unless he resorts to violence or incites people to violence or does an act intended to create disorder or disturbance of public peace by resort to violence

It is common knowledge that very many young men & women are held in prison on the suspicion of being “helpers of Naxalites”. After arresting them other penal clauses are added on. It is an easy label that can be put on any one whom the police want to catch. It does not require any proof or witness. Let us keep in mind that they are not even members of any nNxalite outfit. Supreme Court says even membership in a banned organisation does not make a person a criminal. How far removed are the law and order forces from the judiciary!

Even if there is a modicum of humanity left in the govt and the police, these young men and women should be set free.

3. Supreme Court’s directives for arresting persons are ignored by police

The SC has issued very clear directives to the police in the process of arresting a person and has spelt out the rights of the arrestee / prisoner. In a judgment known as ‘D.K. Basu judgment’ passed on 8 March 2005, [D.K. Basu vs. State of West Bengal (1997) 1 SCC 216] the SC gives the following guidelines:

In view of the increasing incidence of violence and torture in custody, the Supreme Court of India has laid down 11 specific requirements and procedures that the police and other agencies have to follow for the arrest, detention and interrogation of any person.

These are:
– Police arresting and interrogating suspects should wear “accurate, visible and clear” identification and name tags, and details of interrogating police officers should be recorded in a register.
– A memo of arrest must be prepared at the time of arrest. This should:
- have the time and date of arrest.
- be attested by at least one witness who may either be a family member of the person arrested or a respectable person of the locality where the arrest was made.
- be counter-signed by the person arrested.
– The person arrested, detained or being interrogated has a right to have a relative, friend or well-wisher informed as soon as practicable, of the arrest and the place of detention or custody. If the person to be informed has signed the arrest memo as a witness this is not required.
– Where the friend or relative of the person arrested lives outside the district, the time and place of arrest and venue of custody must be notified by police within 8 to 12 hours after arrest. This should be done by a telegram through the District Legal Aid Authority and the concerned police station.
– The person arrested should be told of the right to have someone informed of the arrest, as soon as the arrest or detention is made.
– An entry must be made in the diary at the place of detention about the arrest, the name of the person informed and the name and particulars of the police officers in whose custody the person arrested is.
–The person being arrested can request a physical examination at the time of arrest. Minor and major injuries if any should be recorded. The “Inspection Memo” should be signed by the person arrested as well as the arresting police officer. A copy of this memo must be given to the person arrested.
– The person arrested must have a medical examination by a qualified doctor every 48 hours during detention. This should be done by a doctor who is on the panel, which must be constituted by the Director of Health Services of every State.
– Copies of all documents including the arrest memo have to be sent to the Area Magistrate (laqa Magistrate) for his record.
– The person arrested has a right to meet a lawyer during the interrogation, although not for the whole time.
– There should be a police control room in every District and State headquarters where information regarding the arrest and the place of custody of the person arrested must be sent by the arresting officer. This must be done within 12 hours of the arrest. The control room should prominently display the information on a notice board.

These requirements were issued to the Director General of Police and the Home Secretary of every State. They were obliged to circulate the requirements to every police station under their charge. Every police station in the country had to display these guidelines prominently. The judgment also encouraged that the requirements be broadcast through radio and television and pamphlets in local languages be distributed to spread awareness.

Failure to comply with these requirements would make the concerned official liable for departmental action. Not following these directions constitutes a contempt of the Supreme Court, which is a serious offence, punishable by Imprisonment and fine. This contempt of court petition can be filed in any High Court.

These requirements are in addition to other rights and rules, such as:
- The right to be informed at the time of arrest of the offence for which the person is being arrested.
- The right to be presented before a magistrate within 24 hours of the arrest.
- The right not to be ill-treated or tortured during arrest or in custody.
- Confessions made in police custody cannot be used as evidence against the accused.
- A boy under 15 years of age and women cannot be called to the police station only for questioning.

The important question is: under which law or penal code the police & para-military forces are arresting young men & women as part of their anti-Naxal operations? It is very clear they are not abiding by the SC ruling. As such they should be sued for contempt of court.

4. ‘To get Bail is a right of the prisoner’. . .but who will bail them out?

Getting bail is not within the reach of most ‘under trial prisoners’. For one thing, the lower courts consistently refuse to grant bails even for the simplest of cases. That means the prisoner has to approach the High Court, and some times the Supreme Court to get bail. The second factor is the expense involved. An average expense at the level of the High Court is between ten to twenty thousand rupees. Now how many Adivasi families can afford this expense is a big question. In fact most of them are not even in a position to come to the jail and meet their dear ones. At the same time, the govt does not reach out to them by providing free legal aid. In short, the 6000 and more Adivasi under trial prisoners are just condemned to languish in jail for years to come. It is important to remember that of those who have been arrested under UAPA and CL-17 as part of Operation Green Hunt, there has not been even a single conviction. We can be sure that when the trial will take place, most of them will be acquitted. Regrettably there is no time limit within which the trial has to take place. Justice delayed is justice denied.

To conclude, it is no use taking this issue to the govt because it is itself doing this injustice. The only other possibilities, in my opinion, are that we make this the agenda of the Jharkhandi People’s Movements and explore ways of making a legal case and access the judiciary at the High Court / Supreme Court level and demand that an independent committee of legal & human rights activists examine all the cases and place their findings in public domain.