എളുപ്പങ്ങള്‍, പ്രയാസങ്ങള്‍

എളുപ്പങ്ങള്‍,  പ്രയാസങ്ങള്‍ 

എസ്. ജോസഫ് 

പാളങ്ങള്‍ ഇരട്ടിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിനായി അരിഞ്ഞെടുത്ത 

മണല്‍തിട്ടയുടെ മുകളറ്റത്തുനിന്ന് ഒരാള്‍ 

മടക്കിക്കുത്തിയ മുണ്ടില്‍ കയ്യൂന്നിക്കൊണ്ട്

ചുറ്റുപാടും നോക്കുന്നു

തിട്ടയില്‍ മണ്‍പൊടി മൂടി ഒരു കൊച്ചു വീട് 

ഒരുപാട് നേരം പിടിച്ചിട്ട തീവണ്ടി പറക്കുകയാണ് ഇപ്പോള്‍ 

പാലം ഇരട്ടിപ്പിക്കുന്നതോടെ 

യാത്ര എളുപ്പമാകും 

മണ്‍തിട്ടയിലിരുന്ന പൊടിമൂടിയ വീടിന്‍റെ 

മണ്‍തിട്ടയില്‍ നിന്ന മനുഷ്യന്‍റെ കാര്യം പ്രയാസമാകും 

ഭാഷാപോഷിണിയില്‍ പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചത് 

India: Maoist roots in places which the government does not even know exist

Naxals are the govt in a village India just discovered

Harinder Baweja , Hindustan Times Bijapur, Chhattisgarh, April 22, 2012

Helicopters were kept on standby for casualty evacuation; targets were chosen with care after studying satellite images and the troops were warned — the encounters would be fierce and the naxals could be in the hundreds, even thousands. After weeks of planning, security forces armed with automatic rifles, satellite phones and Swedish Carl Gustav rocket launchers made their very first foray into the dense Abujhmad jungle, straddling the two states of Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh.  Abujhmad, or ‘unknown hill’ — 6,000 sq km of thick forest — has not been surveyed since the British.

As part of the operation, security forces had zoomed in on a map of the area with the help of Google Earth, on to a couple of structures they identified as a ‘naxal camp’. A plan was prepared to go in and take out the naxalites. The mission had a second aim — the stronghold had to be psychologically breached, since it is as much home to the naxals as it is a zone ‘liberated’ of all government control.

Primed for a fierce fight, weapons ready, the troops marched 70 km to the ‘naxal camp’.

What they found instead was a village with 15 to 20 thatched huts. The cluster of buildings the forces saw for the first time on Google Earth were homes of Muria tribals, now startled at the sight of armed men in uniform.

“Nobody knew there was a village called Bodiguda,” S Elango, CRPF DIG (operations) exclaimed, of a village that had been discovered for the first time since Independence.

The nameless, faceless tribals — who have never seen or heard of electricity or water taps, schools or dispensaries, men or machines — have grown up believing the naxals are the government. The rebels bring them rice and medicines and take care of their daily needs. They’ve never seen transport or ration through PDS; what they are familiar with is the Red army.

The closest to civilisation is a larger village — or town — called Behramgarh, 29 km away, which also has a police station but the tribals of Bodiguda
seldom venture there.

The grand strategy — to control the naxal spread — is to clear, hold and develop. Last month’s security operation that took weeks of planning ended with a one-hour exchange of fire in the jungles. Two injured jawans, no naxal arrests, and yes, the discovery of Bodiguda.

Early this week, home minister P Chidambaram, speaking of the Red threat to chief ministers, said they did not have the upper hand because “there are not enough men, weapons and vehicles, not enough roads, and not enough… civil administration.” He could well have added another line — and some states don’t know of villages where our own live.

Postscript: nobody knows how many Bodigudas lie nestled in the unknown hill.

How long will the 6000 Jharkhandi Adivasis languish in jail?

Sanhati

March 17, 2012

by Stan Swamy

“Mere membership of a banned organisation will not make a person a criminal … “
- Supreme Court on 3rd February 2011 (Criminal Appeal No(s). 889 of 2007)

“Mere possession of Maoist literature does not make a person a Maoist”
- Supreme Court , while granting bail to Dr. Binayak Sen on 15th April 2011

Context: in Jharkhand, during the past ten years, 550 young men & women were killed by the police & para-military forces as being Naxalites (Hindustan Times, Ranchi edition, 18.4. 2011.) There are now about 6000 Adivasis in jail (Ajay Sharma in Hindustan Times, 08.02.2012). The charge against the majority of them is that “Maoist literature” was found in their possession and that they are “helpers of Maoists”.

1. Mere possession of Maoist literature is not an offense

Observing that mere possession of Maoist literature would not be considered an offence of sedition, the Supreme Court granted bail to Dr.Binayak Sen.

The sad fact in Jharkhand is that in very many cases the police have arrested young men and women precisely because they had some “Naxalite literature” in their possession. What exactly constitutes ‘nNxalite literature’ has not been defined. The question is: Is any written material that is critical of the Government and its functioning forbidden in our democratic society? Is putting out pamphlets calling on people to resist displacement an offence? Is announcing rallies and public meetings to protest indiscriminate arrests of young people improper? Is calling on people to assert their rights on their jal, jangal, jamin not allowed?

What the police usually do is arrest a person on the alleged reason of having Naxal literature and then add on other clauses of the penal code on the hapless victim. Very sad to say, hundreds of young men and women are languishing in the different jails of Jharkhand under this accusation.

It is the urgent need of the hour that an independent commission is appointed to examine all the cases under this accusation and free them.

2. Mere membership of a banned organisation will not make a person a criminal unless he resorts to violence or incites people to violence or creates public disorder by violence or incitement to violence.

The court rejected the doctrine of ‘guilt by association’. Mere membership of a banned organisation will not incriminate a person unless he resorts to violence or incites people to violence or does an act intended to create disorder or disturbance of public peace by resort to violence

It is common knowledge that very many young men & women are held in prison on the suspicion of being “helpers of Naxalites”. After arresting them other penal clauses are added on. It is an easy label that can be put on any one whom the police want to catch. It does not require any proof or witness. Let us keep in mind that they are not even members of any nNxalite outfit. Supreme Court says even membership in a banned organisation does not make a person a criminal. How far removed are the law and order forces from the judiciary!

Even if there is a modicum of humanity left in the govt and the police, these young men and women should be set free.

3. Supreme Court’s directives for arresting persons are ignored by police

The SC has issued very clear directives to the police in the process of arresting a person and has spelt out the rights of the arrestee / prisoner. In a judgment known as ‘D.K. Basu judgment’ passed on 8 March 2005, [D.K. Basu vs. State of West Bengal (1997) 1 SCC 216] the SC gives the following guidelines:

In view of the increasing incidence of violence and torture in custody, the Supreme Court of India has laid down 11 specific requirements and procedures that the police and other agencies have to follow for the arrest, detention and interrogation of any person.

These are:
– Police arresting and interrogating suspects should wear “accurate, visible and clear” identification and name tags, and details of interrogating police officers should be recorded in a register.
– A memo of arrest must be prepared at the time of arrest. This should:
- have the time and date of arrest.
- be attested by at least one witness who may either be a family member of the person arrested or a respectable person of the locality where the arrest was made.
- be counter-signed by the person arrested.
– The person arrested, detained or being interrogated has a right to have a relative, friend or well-wisher informed as soon as practicable, of the arrest and the place of detention or custody. If the person to be informed has signed the arrest memo as a witness this is not required.
– Where the friend or relative of the person arrested lives outside the district, the time and place of arrest and venue of custody must be notified by police within 8 to 12 hours after arrest. This should be done by a telegram through the District Legal Aid Authority and the concerned police station.
– The person arrested should be told of the right to have someone informed of the arrest, as soon as the arrest or detention is made.
– An entry must be made in the diary at the place of detention about the arrest, the name of the person informed and the name and particulars of the police officers in whose custody the person arrested is.
–The person being arrested can request a physical examination at the time of arrest. Minor and major injuries if any should be recorded. The “Inspection Memo” should be signed by the person arrested as well as the arresting police officer. A copy of this memo must be given to the person arrested.
– The person arrested must have a medical examination by a qualified doctor every 48 hours during detention. This should be done by a doctor who is on the panel, which must be constituted by the Director of Health Services of every State.
– Copies of all documents including the arrest memo have to be sent to the Area Magistrate (laqa Magistrate) for his record.
– The person arrested has a right to meet a lawyer during the interrogation, although not for the whole time.
– There should be a police control room in every District and State headquarters where information regarding the arrest and the place of custody of the person arrested must be sent by the arresting officer. This must be done within 12 hours of the arrest. The control room should prominently display the information on a notice board.

These requirements were issued to the Director General of Police and the Home Secretary of every State. They were obliged to circulate the requirements to every police station under their charge. Every police station in the country had to display these guidelines prominently. The judgment also encouraged that the requirements be broadcast through radio and television and pamphlets in local languages be distributed to spread awareness.

Failure to comply with these requirements would make the concerned official liable for departmental action. Not following these directions constitutes a contempt of the Supreme Court, which is a serious offence, punishable by Imprisonment and fine. This contempt of court petition can be filed in any High Court.

These requirements are in addition to other rights and rules, such as:
- The right to be informed at the time of arrest of the offence for which the person is being arrested.
- The right to be presented before a magistrate within 24 hours of the arrest.
- The right not to be ill-treated or tortured during arrest or in custody.
- Confessions made in police custody cannot be used as evidence against the accused.
- A boy under 15 years of age and women cannot be called to the police station only for questioning.

The important question is: under which law or penal code the police & para-military forces are arresting young men & women as part of their anti-Naxal operations? It is very clear they are not abiding by the SC ruling. As such they should be sued for contempt of court.

4. ‘To get Bail is a right of the prisoner’. . .but who will bail them out?

Getting bail is not within the reach of most ‘under trial prisoners’. For one thing, the lower courts consistently refuse to grant bails even for the simplest of cases. That means the prisoner has to approach the High Court, and some times the Supreme Court to get bail. The second factor is the expense involved. An average expense at the level of the High Court is between ten to twenty thousand rupees. Now how many Adivasi families can afford this expense is a big question. In fact most of them are not even in a position to come to the jail and meet their dear ones. At the same time, the govt does not reach out to them by providing free legal aid. In short, the 6000 and more Adivasi under trial prisoners are just condemned to languish in jail for years to come. It is important to remember that of those who have been arrested under UAPA and CL-17 as part of Operation Green Hunt, there has not been even a single conviction. We can be sure that when the trial will take place, most of them will be acquitted. Regrettably there is no time limit within which the trial has to take place. Justice delayed is justice denied.

To conclude, it is no use taking this issue to the govt because it is itself doing this injustice. The only other possibilities, in my opinion, are that we make this the agenda of the Jharkhandi People’s Movements and explore ways of making a legal case and access the judiciary at the High Court / Supreme Court level and demand that an independent committee of legal & human rights activists examine all the cases and place their findings in public domain.

The sacred mountain And why tribals are willing to die for it

"The low, flat-topped hills of south Orissa have been home to the Dongria Kondh long before there was a country called India or a state called Orissa. The hills watched over the Kondh. The Kondh watched over the hills and worshipped them as living deities. Now these hills have been sold for the bauxite they contain. For the Kondh it's as though god had been sold. They ask how much god would go for if the god were Ram or Allah or Jesus Christ."  Arundhati Roy




Tehelka

ONE OF the world’s most controversial mines is back in the spotlight after hundreds protested against renewed efforts to mine Odisha’s Niyamgiri Hills. Dongria Kondh and Niyamgiri supporters held their own ‘public hearing’ in Odisha state, where they restated their resolve not to allow mining on their sacred mountain.

A public hearing on Niyamgiri Hills was conducted by hundreds of Dongoria, Jharnia and Kutia tribes under the banner of Niyamgiri Surakhya Samiti with the active participation of Kalahandi and Rayagada tribes at Jagannathpur village of Lanjigarh block where the tribals did not include any government staff and company officials.

On 9 April, the tribes participated in a public hearing and said that they (tribes) have a birthright on the Hills and they won’t allow mining to their sacred mountain whatever the repercussion may be.

President of the Niyamgiri Surakhya Samiti, Loda Sikoka welcomed the tribes on the pandal (stage) and said that the Hills are neither the property of the Odisha government nor do they belong to the Central government. Loda said if mining was allowed in favour of Vedanta Aluminium Ltd (VAL), they would be continuing the protests till their last breath. “We are fighting neither against the police nor VAL. We are fighting for our human rights,” he added.

Kalahandi Lok Sabha MP and founder of Green Kalahandi organisation Vakta Das says, “As a public-elected representative I have great regards for the apex court of India. I think I do not find any ground on which the apex court would give grant for the mining in Niyamgiri.”

Activist Prafulla Saantra from the National Alliance of People’s Movements said, “I hope the Supreme Court endorses the government’s ruling of not mining in Niyamgiri. This is in the interests of protecting natural resources and the tribal people.”

Dongria leader Dodhi Sikaka said, “Those who are fighting for their rights are beaten up and put behind bars in the name of stopping Naxals. Now, we Dongrias and Jharanias are together in resisting this. We are fighting for our own people, for our ancestral land, for our Niyamgiri.”

"It is better to die than to live in hell. Living with a demon is like living with death” —Niyamgiri Villager

London-based social organisation Survival International’s Director Stephen Corry said, “On Sunday, 9 April, the Dongria held their own day of judgment — a public hearing — in which they vowed to protect their sacred mountain. In the Niyamgiri Hills, the Dongrias’ decision is clear.”

Senior leader of the Dongria and Kutia tribes Kumuti Majhi said, “When the industry had not come here at Lanjigarh, we were leading a peaceful life, but after the establishment of the factory, many innocent tribes were sent to jail for their alleged involvement with Maoist groups. After the mining, all of us are going to face life-long troubles.”

“Do not kill our hills; we will never leave our maa maati (mother earth) for mutation! They are using the police to abuse. The police kidnapped Lodo and tortured him mentally and physically. They just come and beat us up, abuse our girls, take away our poultry and axes” —Niyamgiri Villager

When contacted, Vivek Sinha, senior public relations officer, VAL, said he was busy with some prior commitments and would reply to queries later.

Senior advocate Abhaya Bhatta said, “It is difficult to get mining permission in Niyamgiri. Around 10 primitive tribal villages have the community rights to the Hills. Forest and environment experts, including the environment ministry, have already given reports and opinion on how mining will devastate these areas. So legally, it is difficult to get mining clearance in Niyamgiri.”

In this public hearing, hundreds of tribals joined together and heavily protested against the mining, vowing not to leave the mountain.

---

A Few Smiles Ruin Their Day

WE DREAMT that our village would develop, we would get gainful employment, our agricultural land would be full of crops, greenery would come to our village and all the villagers would lead happy lives. But our dreams were shattered. The greenery faded away from our villages. Our agricultural lands became barren. Our groundwater level touched rock-bottom. Our air got polluted and we experienced unprecedented acid rain in our villages. The biodiversity and atmosphere of the villages were destroyed. We have lost our means of livelihood!” These are the emotional reactions of the villagers at the Lanjigarh Road Panchayat, where multinational Vedanta Aluminium Ltd (VAL)has been established.

"If it is a good company, the company has to leave and if the elected government is people’s government then they must work for us, not for the company” —Niyamgiri Villager

“When Vedanta came to Lanjigarh, the government of Odisha, district administration and Vedanta officials assured the local inhabitants that poverty would be alleviated. Agricultural production would increase. Irrigation, drinking water, health and sanitation, education and communication facilities would develop. Youth would get employment. The poor innocent tribals believed them. But, in reality, after a few months, the villagers find that they have been taken for a ride,” said Pitabas Khiringa, a local youth.

The recent agitations in Kalahandi and Lanjigarh Road Panchayat reveal the pathetic scenario of Lanjigarh. An educated village girl, Manashree Kar said, “The Vedanta advertisement slogan is ‘A few smiles make our day’. But if somebody sees the reality of the Lanjigarh area, Vedanta’s advertisement slogan is only a contradiction in terms. It would be more appropriate to say ‘A few smiles ruin our day’. She added, “What Vedanta is doing and highlighting in the name of peripheral development of Lanjigarh is very little in comparison to what they have been destroying incessantly in the local area.”

The villagers say Vedanta is damaging the environment, to the detriment of all — which is quite apparent from the deplorable condition of local roads. “The less said about education and health, the better,” said a tribal. “Our traditional agriculture has come to a virtual standstill. On the contrary, Vedanta is propagating that the tribals are growing strawberries. This does not hold water at all, as the prevailing climate does not permit it.” They note that the company seems to be flush with funds, organising ‘beach festivals’, but is least concerned about promoting the traditional art, culture and folk dance of the Dongaria Kondhs.

"It’s so funny when these outsiders come and give us lessons on development and environment. If it is a good company, why they are using the police?” —Niyamgiri Villager

The drinking water problem and the unhygienic condition of the Lanjigarh Road Panchayat stand as evidence to the miserable condition of the local areas. Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik’s pompous declaration that with the establishment and entry of MNCs into Odisha would overnight bring positive change in the lifestyle of the locals is just a political gimmick — much to the chagrin and dismay of several local inhabitants of Lanjigarh Road Panchayat. Sunil Jain lost his mental balance after ‘guaranteed’ employment did not fructify. Sasmita, the widow of late Sesadev Mahaptra who died in a road accident by a Vedanta vehicle, is still awaiting a source of sustenance for her and her daughter. These are the few instances of Lanjigarh’s ‘prosperity’ vis-a-vis the tall claims of Vedanta and the Patnaik government.

Sarpanch Fakir Majhee and the then Sarpanch Nilamadhab Mahapatra of Lanjigarh recall that when Patnaik visited Kasipur, he had declared at a public meeting that after the establishment of VAL, the drinking water and unemployment problem would be solved and education facilities would improve. Nila and Fakir are now a much disillusioned duo. They say, “Apart from a few shabby water cisterns which are not as yet connected with pipes, we have nothing.”

“The Vedanta people said they would construct a huge water cistern in Maheswaripur village. This cistern would provide drinking water to all the villages and 16 people would get employment there. Thereafter, the Vedanta surreptitiously took water from our river and streams and diverted it to its own plant. After a great deal of chaos and confusion over employment, only five of the 16 villagers got jobs as daily wage labourers. This is a cruel joke.”

Question Mark Over Vedanta’s Honesty DUE TO construction of ‘red water pond’ by Vedanta Aluminium Ltd, water flow from Niyamgiri Hills is blocked. Consequently, not only are people deprived of drinking water but agricultural lands have become barren since 2006. The streams and springs are polluted. The normal life of 199 villagers is disrupted. Vedanta claims it has provided health facilities in the locality. If so, how could 16 persons died of cholera in the adjacent village? At the time of constructing the pond, Vedanta officials had committed to pay a sum of Rs 8,400 per annum per acre towards compensation. But now it has reneged from its commitment. In 2006, it paid Rs 8,400, in 2007 Rs 4,200 and in 2008 the amount came down to Rs 1,100. Villagers are not allowed by securitymen to enter into offices when they try to meet the concerned authority in this regard. After taking the land of many tribals and downtrodden like Bhika Majhi and Kango Majhi of Kendubarad village and Subas Durga of Gopinathpur village, Vedanta is not paying the price for it. Subash Durga, who is a constable, staged a sit-in on the road in protest, says Dukhu Ram. It is to be mentioned here that the then RDC, Sambalpur Madhusudan Padhi, inadvertently exposed the irregularities and forcible massive expansion by Vedanta in a seminar at Bhubaneswar that ‘due to the unethical work of Vedanta, it is difficult for the progress of other proposed projects in the state.’ Central government officers who had been to Niyamgiri have mentioned that if the mining continues in Niyamgiri, then the oldest tribal civilisation along with the jungle, environment, medicated plants, animals, birds, will vanish forever. Despite this, why the state government is in so much of a hurry to oblige Vedanta is a million-dollar question. The Dongria, Jharania and other local Kondh people are resisting Vedanta operations and are determined to save Niyamgiri from becoming an industrial wasteland. Other Kondh groups are already suffering due to a bauxite refinery built and operated at the base of the Hills. The Hills are home to the more than 8,000 Dongria Kondh, whose lifestyle and religion have helped nurture the area’s dense forests and unusually rich wildlife.

Release Debolina Chakrabarti, a social activist and people’s leader!

ICAWPI.ORG

Free six other activists imprisoned for their participation in the Nonadanga anti-eviction struggle!

COMMITTEE FOR THE RELEASE OF POLITICAL PRISONERS -- Press Release-- 17 April 2012

On 8^th April 2012, a large police force arrested 69 persons from the Nonadanga area of East Kolkata when they were protesting against the eviction of hundreds of people, many of whom were forced to migrate and set up their abodes in that area after the Aila natural disaster. Among the protesters  were those who fell victims to this eviction drive initiated by the Mamata Banerjee-led government — men, women and children, as also some activists belonging to different democratic organizations, who thought it just to stand by the side of the victims and join their struggle for rehabilitation. In late evening, all but seven persons were released on PR bond. Among those arrested were Debolina Chakrabarti, Debjani Ghosh, Abhignan Sarkar, Prof. Partha Sarathi Roy, Dr. Siddhartha Gupta, Babun Chattopadhyay and Shamik Chankraborti. They were produced in court next day and all were remanded to police custody till 12^th April. On 12^th when they were produced, all of them were sent to jail custody till 21^st April in the Nonadanga case. Surprisingly, in the evening when lawyers on the side of the accused have left or were about to leave, the CID put up papers in a secretive manner for the police remand of Debolina Chakrabarti in three other cases — two of which are old and allegedly connected with incidents that supposedly took place in Nandigram and Bishnupur.  The magistrate granted the prayer without listening to the response from the side of lawyers who stood by the accused. When it became known, there were protests from the side of other prisoners who took the stand that Debolina should not be taken for police remand and that they would not leave the court for jail unless all seven were taken together. Their resistance continued for some time until Debolina was forcibly taken alone by the CID in a police car to Bhabani Bhawan for interrogation.  The other six prisoners were sent to Alipur Central Jail. Debolina was tagged in a murder case under UAPA.

The story behind the Nandigram case is this. According to the police, one letter allegedly written some years ago by one ‘Debu’ to one Madhusudan Mandal, an alleged Maoist leader (now in jail) during the previous regime when the Nandigram movement was on. The police, without furnishing any evidence, alleged that this ‘Debu’ was none other than Debolina Chakrabarti. One wonders why a person allegedly having links with some underground organization should use one’s own nickname? Should the use of this name, if at all, itself not mean that this so-called ‘Debu’ could only be someone else and not this Debolina Chakrabarti? There is no evidence whatsoever with the police to establish that the said person ‘Debu’ is Debolina. Debolina had been with the people’s movement for quite some years, functioning openly and participating in various mass movements that took place from time to time. She was never arrested earlier. Now she has been picked up during her participation in the Nonadanga anti-displacement movement and tagged in that earlier case for which charge-sheets had already been submitted.

The fact is that the police under the previous Buddhadev-led regime issued threats to arrest her under the draconian UAPA. But protests from different quarters as also hunger strikes started by her and other activists at College Square thwarted such attempts. The new government under Mamata Banerjee – undoubtedly threatening to surpass the brutality and vindictiveness of the CPI(M)-led government – picked up the torn shoes left by her predecessor and completed the process by booking her under this draconian act.

Who is this Debolina Chakrabarti, whom Mamata Banerjee is unable to face politically and whom she has now sent to prison? Debolina was a student of the International Relations Department of Jadavpur University. She left her studies to carry on democratic movements and stood by the side of the people. She was associated with the Singur anti-land grab movement that had prepared the ground for Mamata to come to power. When the people of Nanigram raised their voice against the formation of SEZs and Chemical hubs under the notorious Salem industrial group, she went there and took part in the people’s heroic struggle launched by the Bhumi Ucched Protirodh Committee (BUPC) against displacement from their land and habitats and was also instrumental in forming the Matangini Mahila Samiti (MMS). The MMS was a women’s forum that fought against patriarchy, against consumption of liquor, against CPM hermads, and was associated with the day-to-day struggles against all onslaughts carried out by Lakshman Seth-Binoy Konar-Sushanta Ghosh-Ashok Pattanayak-Tapan-Sukur-Naba Samanta group. In this struggle, the TMC, CPI and other political forces played their part within the BUPC.

After coming to power, Mamata Banerjee turned her heat against the ongoing peoples’ movements and initiated a slander and intimidation campaign by denouncing the Matangini Mahila Samiti as a ‘satanic brigade’. The police as usual described Debolina as a ‘Maoist’ who could be detained, tortured, humiliated and made a prisoner at will. Such a person has now been booked under the UAPA in a most heinous manner. It is crystal clear that the intelligence officials would subject Debolina to brutal mental and physical torture and send her to prison to languish there for as many years as possible. Should we allow such injustice to be done by this vindictive, cruel and anti-people chief minister of West Bengal? Debolina has started a hunger strike to protest against the unjust incarceration and slapping of UAPA on her. We appeal to all justice-loving and freedom-loving people of the country to raise their voice against the imposition of the UAPA on her on cooked-up charges and demand the unconditional release of Debolina Chakrabarti and six other prisoners arrested for standing in solidarity with the people of Nonadanga and raising their voices against injustice.

SAR Geelani, Working President

Amit Bhattacharyya, Secretary General

Rona Wilson, Secretary, Public Relations

COMMITTEE FOR THE RELEASE OF POLITICAL PRISONERS

185/3 Fourth Floor, Zakir Nagar, New Delhi-110025

Peasant producers of kendu leaves demand higher returns

Rebel bandh call for kendu price hike

The telegraph

Jamshedpur, April 12: Maoists have called a 48-hour bandh on Saturday in districts along the interstate borders of Jharkhand, Bengal and Odisha demanding a hike in prices of kendu leaves — a source of livelihood for tribals in summer.

The CPI(Maoist) bandh, to be effective from the midnight of April 15, is likely to impact East Singhbhum in the state, besides West Midnapore district of Bengal and Mayurbhanj in Odisha.

The Naxalite stronghold of Ghatshila sub-division in East Singhbhum shelters thousands of poor tribals who pluck kendu leaves from April to July, apart from working as seasonal farmers or wage earners.

The rebels are demanding a 20 per cent hike in the prices of kendu leaves, which are used for manufacturing bidi.

Two types of kendu leaves are sold — dry and raw.

At present, raw kendu leaves are priced at Rs 60 per bundle and the dry leaf at Rs 120. Each bundle contains 2,000 leaves.

Sources said the Naxalites were demanding that the government pay Rs 70 and Rs 140 respectively for every bundle of raw and dry kendu leaves.

East Singhbhum senior superintendent of police Akhilesh Kumar Jha said the police were aware of the Naxalite-sponsored interstate bandh call, adding they were taking steps to frustrate the attempts of the rebels to disrupt normal life.

“We will make necessary arrangements for ensuring that life in Ghatshila township as well as rural areas remain normal on April 15 and 16,” said the SSP, adding the police would deploy additional forces, if required.

According to forest officials, a tribal collects 5,000 kendu leaves on an average per day. The leaves are then sold to contractors authorised by the state forest department for collecting the bundles.

The season for collection of kendu leaf provides healthy earnings for tribals, especially the poorest among them, who do not have fixed sources of income throughout the year.

Police recover rebel posters

The Times of India

JAMSHEDPUR: Ahead of the two-day bandh call given by CPI (Maoist) in the bordering areas of three states, Odisha, Bengal and Jharkhand, the Ghatshila subdivision police have recovered posters and banners, allegedly put up by the rebels, demanding hike in kendu leaves procurement rate and support to the bandh call. The posters and banners were found in two different police station areas - Chakulia and Dhalbhumgarh. A banner put up on a tree at Bodamchati in Chakulia block asked for "level-playing field" so that the villagers trading in kendu leaves can earn enough. Kendu traders said last year also the Naxalites had put up such posters following which the villagers had earned good return on their produce.

The jails are full of Soni Soris

The Hindu 


Women prisoners reveal the shocking conditions of their confinement --custodial violence, which has no sanction under law, is a part and parcel of the system

Following a minor altercation with the warden in Ward No. 8 of Tihar Jail, Zohara Baratali received severe blows on her lower abdomen that made her bleed for a full month before she succumbed to her injuries. That was a decade ago.

Last year, unable to bear the trauma of being stripped, beaten and sexually assaulted by three policemen inside Pratap Nagar Police Station in Jaipur, Seema Singh tried to end her life by jumping in front of a train. She did not die, but became a paraplegic for life. That did not deter the authorities from arresting her. Last week, the hearing for her bail application was adjourned, yet again.

The All India Meet on Women Prisoners & Custodial Violence held in Delhi on the weekend threw light on the plight of women prisoners in the country. Custodial violence, which is illegal and has no sanction under law, is a part and parcel of the system, with Soni Sori's case having brought it into the forefront. The speakers shared their concern over the use of women's sexuality to torture and criminalize them, with police reports usually mentioning these women as those with ‘low' character. According to them around 99.9 per cent of women prisoners in the country belong to the backward Dalit, Adivasi and minority communities. 

Trade Union activist Anu said, “The class divide runs deep in jails. If you are dressed well and look affluent, you won't be asked to do a lot of the work. But others have to be on their feet all the time, even an 80 year old woman is not spared.” Speaking of her days in Tihar Jail, Anu said that the moment one enters the jail, even as an under trial, the perception is that the person is a criminal and an atmosphere of fear is created. Violence and abuses are a part of that fear psychosis.

Rampant corruption goes hand-in-hand behind the bars, says Anu. The solar heating system that was installed with much fanfare at Tihar is non-operational till date. Instead, Rs 10 per bucket is charged for hot water from the langar. Inside the jail, a mobile phone costs Rs 15000, a charger Rs 2000, a sim card Rs 1500 and a missed call Rs 50. Well off or gunda-like criminals can afford these and also good food from the canteen.

There is space for 250 persons, but 500 occupy it. Fights for space are regular and ugly. “If a woman is charged with a crime, her mother in law is picked up from a remote corner of the country and locked up too. Entire families are languishing in jails. Many of them do not know even after five-six years in jail, why they were picked up in the first place,” said Anu.

Tihar is not the only overcrowded jail in the country. In Central India there are approximately 2,500 female under trials in jail, of which 2,000 are from Operation Green Hunt areas, said Sudha Bharadwaj from PUCL Chhattisgarh and an advocate. “Around 132 women are in the Jagdalpur jail, most of who were picked up in Naxalite cases.  The jails are badly overcrowded, and more than 20-30 are at times squeezed in rooms which have a capacity of 6,” she said. The jails sometimes have only one latrine for women, and that too with no door and in full view of male guards, she added.

In Naxalite areas, the military keeps tribal girls within their camps in the name of custodial protection. Why is there no paperwork in such cases, asks activist Indira. In conflict areas including Kashmir, women are in a particularly vulnerable position with heavy military presence and the recourse to justice non-existent. Anjum Zamarud Habib from Kashmir spoke about how basic rights get suspended the moment the police picks up someone. “Slaps, abuses, snatching at clothes. I fail to understand how one woman can do this with another woman?” she said.

A scientist by profession, Nisha who is also a rights activist experienced the worst humiliation of her life when she set her foot inside the jail, even though she escaped some of the bad treatment due to her city bred appearance. Shamim spoke of how female prisoners were not given sanitary napkins and had to use moth eaten blankets as pads. She spoke against the forceful and unnecessary pregnancy tests, where men are also present and the person conducting the test does not even change the gloves.

Though there is a law in place that women cannot be arrested by the police after sun down and before sun set, under AFSPA it has been happening in Kashmir. In even places like Bhopal women rag pickers belonging to the Pardhi community are randomly picked up. Pardhis are considered a criminal tribe even today and the perception is so strong that the Pardhi women and men are jailed for any 'crime' occurring in the neighbouring areas, Prema from Bhopal said.

“It is heartening that our judgments read out in Supreme Court say a lot of good things in English about dignity and rights. But the reality of local thanas is far removed from it all,” said Vrinda Grover, advocate and human rights activist.

Amongst strategies to fight custodial torture and sexual violence, the need for strong legal aids was stressed. Prison manuals clearly chalk out prison visitation rules but they are hardly adhered to. They must be made functional, felt the participants. The entrance and exit of police stations should have closed circuit television systems to keep track of who is coming and going, said Sudha Ramalingam, PUCL Tamil Nadu.

“What we have heard today is unacceptable in any civilised society and exposes our society's double standards. Women should become rebellious, only then will real progress happen in India,” said Justice (Rtd) Rajinder Sachar