CPI Maoist calls for 'Bharat Bandh on December 4-5

COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MAOIST)

CENTRAL COMMITTEE

Press Release

November 25, 2011

Condemn the brutal murder of Comrade Mallojula Koteswara Rao, the beloved leader of the oppressed masses,
the leader of Indian revolution and CPI (Maoist) Politburo member!

Observe protest week from November 29 to December 5
and 48-hour ‘Bharat Bandh’ on December 4-5!!

November 24, 2011 would remain a black day in the annals of Indian revolutionary movement’s history. The fascist Sonia-Manmohan-Pranab-Chidambaram-Jairam Ramesh ruling clique who have been raising a din that CPI (Maoist) is ‘the biggest internal security threat’, in collusion with West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, killed Comrade Mallojula Koteswara Rao after capturing him alive in a well planned conspiracy. This clique which had killed Comrade Azad, our party’s spokesperson on July 1, 2010 once again spread its dragnet and quenched its thirst for blood. Mamata Banerjee, who had shed crocodile’s tears over the murder of Comrade Azad before coming to power, while enacting the drama of talks on the one hand after assuming office, killed another topmost leader Comrade Koteswara Rao and thus displayed nakedly its anti-people and fascist facet. The central intelligence agencies and the killer intelligence agencies of West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh chased him in a well planned conspiracy and killed him in a cowardly manner in a joint operation and now spreading a concocted story of encounter. The central home secretary R.K. Singh even while lying that they do not know for certain who died in the encounter, has in the same breath announced that this is a big blow to the Maoist movement. Thus he nakedly gave away their conspiracy behind this killing. The oppressed people would definitely send to grave the exploiting ruling classes and their imperialist masters who are day dreaming that they could wipe out the Maoist party by killing the top leadership of the revolutionary movement.

Comrade Koteswara Rao, who is hugely popular as Prahlad, Ramji, Kishenji and Bimal inside the party and among the people, is one of the important leaders of the Indian revolutionary movement. The tireless warrior who never rested his gun while fighting for the liberation of the oppressed masses since the past 37 years and who has laid down his life for the sake of the ideology he believed in, was born in 1954 in Peddapally town of Karimnagar district of North Telangana, Andhra Pradesh. Raised by his father Late Venkataiah who was a freedom fighter and his mother Madhuramma, who has been of progressive views, Koteswara Rao imbibed love for his country and its oppressed masses since childhood. In 1969, he had participated in the historic separate Telangana movement while he was in his high school studies in Peddapally town. He joined the revolutionary movement with the inspiration of the glorious Naxalbari and Srikakulam movements while studying graduation in SRR college of Karimnagar. He started working as an active member of the Party from 1974. He spent some time in jail during the black period of the Emergency. After lifting up of the Emergency, he started working as a party organizer in his home district of Karimnagar. He responded to the “Go to Villages” campaign call of the party and developed relations with the peasantry by going to the villages. He was one of those who played a prominent role in the upsurge of peasant movement popular as ‘Jagityal Jaitrayatra’ (Victory March of Jagityal) in 1978. In this course, he was elected as the district committee member of the Adilabad-Karimnagar joint committee of the CPI (ML). In 1979 when this committee was divided into two district committees he became the secretary of the Karimnagar district committee. He participated in the Andhra Pradesh state 12^thparty conference, was elected to the AP state committee and took responsibilities as its secretary.

Up to 1985, as part of the AP state committee leadership he played a crucial role in spreading the movement all over the state and in developing the North Telangana movement which was advancing with guerilla zone perspective. He played a prominent role in expanding the movement to Dandakaranya (DK) and developing it. He was transferred to Dandakaranya in 1986 and took up responsibilities as a member of the Forest Committee. He led the guerilla squads and the people in Gadchiroli and Bastar areas of DK. In 1993 he was co-opted as a member into the Central Organizing Committee (COC).

From 1994 onwards he mainly worked to spread and develop the revolutionary movement in Eastern and Northern parts of India including West Bengal. Particularly his role in uniting the revolutionary forces which were scattered after the setback of the Naxalbari movement in West Bengal and in reviving the revolutionary movement there is extraordinary. He mingled deeply with the oppressed masses of Bengal and the various sections of the revolutionary camp, learnt Bangla language with determination and left an indelible mark in the hearts of the people there. He worked tirelessly in achieving unity with several revolutionary groups and in strengthening the party. Comrade Koteswara Rao was elected as a Central Committee (CC) member in the All India Special Conference of erstwhile CPI (ML) (People’s War) held in 1995. He strived for achieving unity between People’s War and Party Unity in 1998. In the Party Congress of erstwhile CPI (ML)(PW) held in 2001 he was once again elected into CC and Politburo. He took up responsibilities as the secretary of the North Regional Bureau (NRB) and led the revolutionary movements in Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Delhi, Haryana and Punjab states. Simultaneously he played a key role in the unity talks held between erstwhile PW and MCCI. He served as a member of the unified CC and Politburo formed after the merger of the two parties in 2004 and worked as a member of the Eastern Regional Bureau (ERB). He mainly concentrated on the state movement of West Bengal and continued as the spokesperson of the ERB.

Comrade Koteswara Rao played a prominent role in running party magazines and in the field of political education inside the party. He took part in running ‘Kranti’, ‘Errajenda’, ‘Jung’, ‘Prabhat’, ‘Vanguard’ and other party magazines. He had a special role to play in bringing out various revolutionary magazines in West Bengal. He wrote many theoretical and political articles in these magazines. He was a member of the Sub-Committee on Political Education (SCOPE) and played a prominent role in teaching Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the party ranks. In the entire history of the party he played a memorable role in expanding the revolutionary movement, in enriching the party documents and in developing the movement. He participated in the Unity Congress-9^th Congress of the party held in 2007 January, was elected as CC member once again and took responsibilities of Politburo member and member of the ERB.

The political guidance given by Comrade Koteswara Rao to the Singur and Nandigram people’s movements which erupted since 2007 against the anti-people and pro-corporate policies of the social fascist CPM government in West Bengal and particularly to the glorious upsurge of people’s rebellion in Lalgarh against police atrocities is prominent. He guided the West Bengal state committee and the party ranks to lead these movements and on the other hand conducted party propaganda through the media too with initiative. In 2009 when the Chidambaram clique tried to mislead the middle classes in the name of talks and ceasefire, he worked significantly in exposing it. He did enormous work in keeping aloft the importance of People’s War and in taking the revolutionary politics into the vast masses. This great revolutionary journey which went on for almost four decades came to an abrupt end on November 24, 2011.

Beloved People! Democrats!!

Do condemn this brutal murder. It is the conspiracy of the ruling classes to wipe out the revolutionary leadership and deprive the people of correct guidance and proletarian leadership. It is a known fact that the Maoist movement is the biggest hurdle to the big robbers and compradors who are stashing millions in Swiss banks by selling for peanuts the Jal, Jungle and Zameen of the country to the imperialist sharks. The multi-pronged, country-wide brutal offensive named Operation Green Hunt of the past two years is exactly serving this purpose. This cold-blooded murder is part of that. It is the duty of the patriots and freedom-loving people of the country to protect the revolutionary movement and its leadership like the pupil of their eye. It’s nothing but protecting the future of the country and that of the next generations.

Even at the age of 57, Com. Koteswara Rao led the hard life of a guerilla like a young man and had filled the cadres and people with great enthusiasm wherever he went. His life would particularly serve as a great inspiration to the younger generation. He studied and worked for hours together without rest and traveled great distances. He slept very little, led a simple life and was a hard worker. He used to mingle easily with people of all ages and with people who come from various social sections and fill them with revolutionary enthusiasm. No doubt, the martyrdom of Comrade Koteswara Rao is a great loss to the Indian revolutionary movement. But the people of our country are very great. It is the people and the people’s movements which gave birth to courageous and dedicated revolutionaries like Koteswara Rao. The workers and peasants and the revolutionaries who have imbibed the revolutionary spirit of Koteswara Rao right from Jagityal to Jungle Mahal and who have armed themselves with the revolutionary fragrance he spread all over the country would definitely lead the Indian New Democratic Revolution in a victory path. They would wipe out the imperialists and their lackey landlord and comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and their representatives like Sonia, Manmohan, Chidambaram and Mamata Banerjee.

Our CC is appealing to the people of the country to observe protest week from November 29 to December 5 and observe 48-hour ‘Bharat Bandh’ on December 4-5 in protest of the brutal murder of Comrade Koteswara Rao. We are appealing that they take up various programmes like holding meetings, rallies, dharnas, wearing black badges, road blocks etc protesting this murder. We are requesting that trains, roadways, commercial and educational institutions be closed and that all kinds of trade transactions be stopped as part of the ‘Bharat Bandh’ on December 4-5. However, we are exempting medical services from the Bandh.

(Abhay)

Spokesperson,

Central Committee,

CPI (Maoist)

Kishanji: not just another ‘martyr’

Sanhati

by Saroj Giri

Kishanji is not just a fighter against oppression, a brave and courageous soul. He presided over something unique in the history of resistance movement in the country – and maybe he was not even so aware of it. Several forms of resistance seem to have come together in his leadership – synchronizing armed fighting power of the people with open rallies, processions and demonstrations. If one is really serious about democratic mass upsurges then one cannot wish away ‘strategy’, the ‘use of force’ or ‘armed resistance’; that the life-veins of mass struggle extend into the zone of armed resistance – these otherwise old Leninist lessons were restated, reasserted, renewed afresh in the life and activity of Kishanji.

It is in this sense that Kishanji in a way rehabilitated the status of both mass movements and ‘military strategy’ within the left. The left today is prone to reject anything to do with discipline and military as just some kind of right-wing, fascist obsession. Philosopher Slavoj Zizek points out that, against the ruling ideology of hedonistic permissivity, the left should “(re)appropriate discipline and the spirit of sacrifice: there is nothing inherently ‘Fascist’ about these values” (http://www.lacan.com/zizhollywood.htm). Kishanji’s contribution stands out here –raising great fear and alarm among the ruling classes who hunted him down.

This is a crucial contribution at a time when the left is suffering from ‘loss of strategy’, when mass demonstrations at Tahrir Square or the Occupy Wall Street seem to hit a dead-end, simply tiring itself out, or unable to withstand state repression. Some might say that the militant mass demonstrations in Jangalmahal ended with the Maoists ‘taking over’ in June 2009. Instead this ‘taking over’ was nothing but the much needed backbone of the mass movement, able to now express itself as an organised force with a strategy.

This is the first step towards seeking clarity about the class struggle, defining what Marx in the Communist Manifesto calls a ‘line of the march’ for the movement as a whole – apart from being able to withstand the armed might of the state. Not that the Maoists have gained major success here but they have got some of the basics right. The usual story of mass activities and rallies frittering away after the initial upsurge did not therefore repeat itself here. The mass movement continues in many new forms. In fact, a new mass women’s formation, the Nari Izzat Bachao Committee has come up even as big rallies like the August 2010 mass rally attended by Mamata and Swami Agnivesh continue – unless banned or ‘denied permission’ by the government.

Such is Kishenji’s contribution, with something original – not just some bland ‘sacrifice’ or ‘martyrdom’ which Maoists themselves so often glorify. Maoists must guard themselves from this entrenched habit of not seeing anything specific or original about its leaders and painting them all in this barren seriality of ‘yet another martyr who heroically sacrificed his life for the revolution’. Otherwise the movement will be going round in circles, will stagnate in spite of the dynamism of its concrete practice.

Perhaps we can here identify something like a ‘Jangalmahal model or path’ of the Maoist movement, which can be compared to say the ‘Chattisgarh model or path’. There are many problems with talking in terms of ‘models’. And yet the specificities of the movement in particular areas must also be grasped so that we do not club all experiences and forms as one and the same. Otherwise, we are not learning anything new, not synthesizing, not learning from practice but endlessly repeating a set formula. Kishanji stands out in this respect. We do not know whether he also made conscious formulations about the specificity of the movement in Jangalmahal model (like a Hunan report?) but his concrete practice brilliantly shines forth.

Just in the month of September, Varavara Rao, myself and comrades from Kolkata had made a ‘fact-finding’ (for want of a better term) trip to Jangalmahal. We could not meet Kishanji but witnessed the atrocities committed by security forces and the private armies (bhairav bahini). I talked to a very young adivasi comrade, deep inside a village off Jhargram town: a member of the armed squad. I asked him if he had met Kishanji. He said yes. Then he said, that he cannot follow all that Kishanji says in meetings. Then I asked him if he heard of Marxism from Kishanji (I was curious). ‘Yes Kishanji talks about Marxism, but I find it very difficult to follow’. Then I ask him what has he understood of Marxism, what is it? I think he felt cornered but after some reflection came with a reply: it is something very good but some people have spoiled and distorted it. ‘We guerillas are fighting such people’.

Those like Kishanji have taken Marxism to the masses when doing so immediately means ‘organising’, planning, strategizing, taking the struggle ahead and putting yourself in the line of fire. Kishanji’s daring is not ‘speaking truth to power’, in postmodern Zapatismo-style, but making power come out of its democratic garb exposing its lies and falsities, including its violence to which our man fell.

I find it a bit of an enigma that Kishanji never put away his gun when on camera – one can prominently see it and so he is clearly not bothered to play the democratic card of being democratic, peaceful and so on. He talks nothing about the gun, no glorifying violence and so on, as some would pathetically expect. Instead he talks about a meticulous patient fight for real democracy and power to the people (http://www.ndtv.com/video/player/news/who-is-kishenji/216926). So why is the gun so visibly present, slung on his shoulders, surrounded as he is by curious journalists in his own camp? It can only mean that he had no pretense here of liberal bourgeois leaders of being non-violent and democratic, even as they preside over huge standing armies, hidden away.

Here we are only traversing a key insight of Marxism – that the question of power must be foregrounded, hence no point playing games that there is no power in society, no class power, no armed power, it is all democracy and free competition and so on. That is why Lenin would say that socialism is not a better or true radical democracy (this would have sounded respectable and acceptable to all), but the dictatorship of the proletariat – this is far more honest that saying that there is democracy for everyone even though it is really class dictatorship. If you feel kind of uncomfortable in whole-heartedly supporting Kishanji because of his gun then you might be uncomfortable with a key insight of Marxism itself – this is the double bind he throws us in.

Kishanji was not the man of ‘its blowing in the wind’ but precisely of another Bob Dylan song. He is the man of ‘the hour when the ship comes in’, one who must have imagined that he is fighting to usher in this grand hour, perhaps even when ‘the answer might not be blowing in wind’: “the chains of the sea will have busted in the night and will be buried at the bottom of the ocean… And oh the foes will rise with the sleep still in their eyes and they will jerk from their beds and think that they are dreaming; but they will pinch themselves and squeal and know that it is for real. And they will raise their hands, saying we will meet all your demands, but we’ll shout from the bow, your days are numbered….”

The Love Jihad

I absolutely love this story out of India, because it so aptly demonstrates the willingness of religious fundamentalists to believe anything they are told that promotes anger towards another religion.

Once again we have the Wikileaks to thank for this piece of information getting out to the public.

While it has now been proven to be untrue, it was alleged that in India Islamic fundamentalists created an incentive program for Muslim men to get non-Muslim women to fall in love with them in order for them to convert to Islam. This was supposedly taking place in Kerala.

That’s right, Islamic men is coming for your daughters in order to force them to convert to Islam. I mean this piece of fear mongering propaganda is right up there with the Western perception that hoards of Black men are descending into the suburbs to steal away White daughters.

Apparently there was so much apprehension over the non-existant issue that Dr. Sajan K. George, president of the ‘Global Council of Indian Christians’ contacted the US government and did everything he could to convince the Americans that this was a real threat. And a threat to America as well.

The Consul General Simkin also pointed out that a body under the powerful Kerala Catholic Bishops Council (KCBC) had even sent out warnings and suggestions to Christians on avoiding the “love trap.”

“The Commission for Social Harmony and Vigilance of the Kerala Catholic Bishops Council (KCBC) reported that there had been 2,868 female victims of the “Love Jihad” in Kerala from 2006-09.

“The Commission made several recommendations to parents through its newsletter, including a recommendation to monitor children’s mobile phones and computers, to fight this “social evil”…

“He said that his organization was publicly tight-lipped about the incidents because it did not want to exacerbate religious tensions in Kerala and Karnataka, which he said were already high.

“Dr. George said that his group found it necessary, however, to warn Christian parents and young girls of the danger posed by the “Love Jihad” so that they can be better prepared to resist what many call “charming” young Muslim men involved in the scheme…”

The Consul General also pointed to the role played by the media and Hindu groups.

“Multiple Hindu extremist groups held a rally at Mangalore’s district headquarters on October 15, alleging that over 3,000 Hindu girls from the region and more than 30,000 from the rest of the state had gone missing since the alleged launch of the “Love Jihad” in 2008, figures that were reportedly repeated on the websites of various Hindutva organizations..

“[However,] Official statistics reportedly show that 404 women were reported missing in 2009, and that police tracked down 332 of them,”

US Consul General Andrew Simkin began looking into and sent a cable to the US government saying it, “is probably the result of the overall paranoia and religious tension in South India.”

If there is one thing this incident proves is the willingness of religious fundamentalists to believe that the existence of other religions poses a deadly threat to them. This kind paranoid xenophobia is the real danger to not only India but any country where they exist.

And that anti-Muslim hysteria is not limited to Christianity and Judaism.

There’s also this sexist aspect to it, the idea you have to protect women from who they fall in love with, the insinuation that you must control who they fall in love with. This is very patriarchal, it continues the idea that the father or the brother must control the daughter’s to male members of society and thus restricting her freedoms.

Hopefully as society progresses we’ll out grow such petty ignorance.

A decisive Struggle must be waged for the Formation of a New International Communist (M - L - M ) Organization

This statement was issued by the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan a few months back.

The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan is strongly desirous of the international reorganization of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations throughout the world. This international organization can—and should—include all the parties and organizations that were members of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) and also parties and organizations that were out of RIM. From the political and ideological perspective this international organization should be based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and on the summation of the positive and negative experiences of RIM and other Maoist parties and organizations in the past three decades.
1.Marxism-Leninism-Maoism—and only Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and nothing less and nothing more than that—in the present situation is the ideological weapon of the international communist movement. (By nothing less we mean "post MLM" "Marxism" or "Marxism-Leninism"; by nothing more we mean the formulations that have been added like “thought” or “path” or “new-synthesis".) In other words, a genuine international communist movement can only be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist movement, which includes all Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations of different countries of the world. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism can, and must, develop; however, at this present juncture the international communist movement as whole is not in the position to have made such a leap forward. We cannot reach that stage with spurious, reckless and premature pretentious assertions that would only lead toward deviation and damage the international communist movement.
According to the experience of RIM's struggle in the past three decades, until RIM's activities was based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, it reached important theoretical and practical contributions, that are to be cherished and are worthy of protection, and that should also be further developed. However, the premature proclamations produced by the labels of “thought,” “path” and “synthesis” not only lead certain parties away from the path of peoples war, revolution, and revolutionary struggles at different degrees, but also towards confusion and ideological and political disorientation; this has resulted in the current organizational fragmentation and paralysis of the entire Revolutionary Internationalist Movement. Without a clear stance against, and distancing from, this overt deviation, whose worst form is nothing but an apparent post-Marxism-Leninism-Maoism––and without conducting a serious struggle against it––we cannot lead the struggle for the formation of an international organization of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations towards a principled success and conclusion.
2. The international organization of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations of different countries of the world should be based on the Revolutionary internationalist comradery and solidarity of all the participants, including those smaller or bigger, stronger or weaker, older or newer. There should not be father or fathers, big brother or brothers, within its ranks. Our aspirations can only be achieved if the international movement will act as an international collective of the independent parties and organizations of different countries, each with equal rights, rather than as a global party. Thus, all the participants should have direct participation and contribution in the leadership of the international movement.
According to RIM's previous experiences, the existence of a permanent leadership committee was a positive point that provided continuity to the organizational existence and activities of RIM. This positive point not only deserves to be protected, but also strengthened and further expanded. however, From the very beginning of the formation of the Committee of RIM (CoRIM), and despite the stance of the Declaration of RIM against the centralizing tendency of Comintern, participants were formally divided into first class and second class members––that is, those who had the privilege of a permanent presence in CoRIM and those who were disenfranchised. Therefore, this committee never became a committee representing all members of RIM.
Even worse, in actual fact CoRIM, during the many years of its activities, was unconditionally under the hegemony of one particular party––even during the period when the collective decisions of RIM were in contradiction with the positions of that party. In such a situation the committee under the hegemony of that party, instead of implementing the collective decisions of RIM, directly or indirectly led to a direction that propagated the views and recently the " new synthesis " of that party at the level of whole movement. In particular, it was the unsolvable contradiction that finally led towards the decimation of the CoRIM.
It should also be acknowledged, unfortunately, that the organizational principles and of rules RIM––with an unprincipled and incorrect stance based on separation of organizational principles and rules from ideological and political line––led RIM to the disregard and discount for the organizational principles and rules. In fact it was this organizational problem that paved the ground for the aforementioned party's unconditional hegemony within leading committee of RIM.
3. The most principled and appropriate international communist organization is a new International and we should strive for its formation. At the same time, however, we should acknowledge that in the current situation the immediate formation of a fully formed International is not immediately possible: we can only form an international organization at a lower level, fostering and developing it towards a new International.
According to the past experience of RIM, despite the fact that the strategic orientation of the struggle for the formation of a new international was theoretically accepted, in practical terms it was not given enough attention. In recent years, with the dominance of the post-Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in CoRIM, this goal has been forgotten as a whole.
In this current situation the new international communist (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) organization, towards the formation of which we are struggling, can and should benefit from the formation and struggles of RIM. Thus, this international organization should be more advanced, ideologically and politically, and organizationally more extensive.
4. Recently, the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan held a broad party seminar to provide a summation and analysis of the experiences of the struggles of RIM, and will soon publish its results, a humble theoretical contribution as part of a broad international summation. In the final analysis, the formation of a new international organization of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations throughout the world requires reaching a consensus on the fundamental points of a general summation of the experiences of the struggles of RIM and other Maoist forces. Carrying out a general debate and discussion amongst Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations for reaching such a consensus is necessary. In the process of forming and carring forward coordinations, competitions and bilateral, regional and transregional alliances in principle, this process of debate and discussion should continue during a reasonable and possible time amongst the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations for the purpose of the formation of a new international organization.

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan
jaddi 1389 ( January 2011 )

A Call from the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari - Bury the 1% with the 99%

The Naxalbari




Bury the 1 with the 99!


A wave of rage and unrest is seen worldwide. The youth are out on the streets – protesting, resisting, hitting back. They are supported and joined by people from a wide spectrum. Dictators, who squeeze out the life breath of freedom; rulers, who load all the hardship of the crisis on the people’s backs; billionaire sharks, who speculate and profit on hunger and homelessness; politicians, who plunder public funds – the whole lot is targeted. This is wonderful!

In some Arab countries the people have achieved an initial victory by ending dictatorial regimes. In Europe, powerful outbursts of popular fury have forced the rulers to tread slow on their plans to choke the people with cuts in public spending. And in the midst of this, mass protest has broken out all over the USA, the centre of the world imperialist system. The slogans raised by the Occupy movements, initiated by Occupy Wall Street, capture the anti-capitalist sentiments and desire for change of the broad masses everywhere. Occupations replicate the world over and the call resonates with ever greater force.

That’s right, the 99 per cent can no longer tolerate the greed and corruption of the 1 per cent. It must be ended. But let’s get this straight. We need to go all out, if that dream is to be realised. And that’s the only way to keep the 1 in the crosswire. They are indeed outnumbered; but that 1 packs treachery and death. We just saw them hijacking the people’s struggle in Libya. They made that an excuse to bomb their way in and set up a regime, pliant enough to their satisfaction. Their skill at the ‘non-violent, democratic’ way is on display in Tunisia and Egypt. A Ben Ali is replaced with a Hamadi Jebali, a Mubarak with a Tantawi – and it’s business as usual for the 1. They are also adept at promoting protest, as a sort of safety valve and distraction – like they are trying in India. Anna Hazare gets media prime time; people’s anger against corruption is diffused. Meanwhile they step up their War on the People, unleash the army and US supplied drones, and go all-out against the on-going armed revolution of the dispossessed, the people’s war led by the Maoists. Oh yes, this 1 will do anything to hang on to power.

So we need to go to the roots. Dig them out. Demolish the power protecting it. Turn over the soil for the new to shoot up. That’s the only way to end the human-chewing, environment-destroying greed of capitalism, of the worldwide imperialist system. We need to end distinctions of class, caste, gender, race and ethnicity. We need to tear out the economic and social relations on which they rest. We need a thorough cleaning out of all the rotten ideas that go with them. And when you get down to it, that’s the communism we are talking about, a whole new way of thinking, a whole new way of life – for us and this globe.

Revolution, all the way!
Capitalism is a dead-end! There’s a future in communism!

November 2, 2011

1നെ 99കൊണ്ട് കുഴിച്ചുമൂടുക

സി പി ഐ എം എല്‍ നക്സല്‍ബാരിയുടെ ആഹ്വാനം

അമര്‍ഷത്തിന്‍റെയും, അസ്വസ്ഥതയുടെതുമായ ഒരു അല ഇന്ന് ലോകവ്യാപകമായി ദ്രിശ്യമാണ്‌.

പ്രതീക്ഷിച്ചുകൊണ്ട്, ചെറുത്തുകൊണ്ട്, തിരിച്ചടിച്ചുകൊണ്ട് യുവജനങ്ങള്‍ തെരുവിലെക്കിറങ്ങിയിരിക്കുന്നു. വിവിധ ജനവിഭാഗങ്ങളില്‍ നിന്നുള്ളവര്‍ വ്യാപകമായി ഇവരെ പിന്തുണക്കുന്നു, ഇവരൊത്തു ചേരുന്നു. സ്വാതന്ത്ര്യത്തിന്‍റെ ജീവവായുവെ പിഴിഞ്ഞെടുക്കുന്ന സ്വേചാധിപതികള്‍, പ്രതിസന്ധിയുടെ എല്ലാ കഷ്ടപ്പാടും ജനങ്ങളുടെ മുതുകത്ത് കെട്ടിവെക്കുന്ന ഭരണാധികാരികള്‍, വിശപ്പില്‍നിന്നും ഭാവനരാഹിത്യത്തില്‍നിന്നും ലാഭമുണ്ടാക്കുന്ന ശതകോടീശ്വര കൊമ്പന്‍ സ്രാവുകള്‍, പൊതുമുതല്‍ കൊള്ളയടിക്കുന്ന രാഷ്ട്രീയക്കാര്‍- ഇവരെയെല്ലാമാണ് ഇന്ന് ലകഷ്യമിട്ടിരിക്കുന്നത്. ഇത് ഗംഭീരമാണ്!

സ്വേചാധിപത്യഭരണത്തിന് അന്ത്യം വരുത്തി തുടക്കവിജയം നേടാന്‍ ചില അറബ് നാടുകളിലെ ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ കഴിഞ്ഞു. പൊതുചിലവുകള്‍ വെട്ടിക്കുറച്ചു ജനങ്ങളെ ശ്വാസം മുട്ടിക്കുന്ന പദ്ധതികളുടെ ആക്കം അല്പം കുറയ്ക്കാന്‍ ശക്തമായ ബഹുജന രോഷം യൂറോപ്പിലെ ഭരണാധികാരികളെ നിര്‍ബന്ധിചിരിക്കുന്നു. ഇതിനിടയിലാണ് ലോകസാമ്രാജ്യത്വ വ്യവസ്ഥയുടെ കേന്ദ്രമായ യു.എസ്. എയിലെമ്പാടും ബഹുജനപ്രതിഷേധം പൊട്ടിപ്പുറപ്പെട്ടത്.

"കൈയ്യടക്കല്‍" പ്രക്ഷോഭങ്ങള്‍ തുടങ്ങിവെച്ച വാള്‍സ്ട്രീറ്റ് കൈയ്യടക്കല്‍ പ്രസ്ഥാനം ഉയര്‍ത്തിയ മുദ്രാവാക്യം ലോകത്തെമ്പാടുമുള്ള വിശാലബഹുജനങ്ങളുടെ മുതലാളിത്ത വിരുദ്ധ വികാരങ്ങളുടെയും, മാറ്റത്തിന് വേണ്ടിയുള്ള ആഗ്രഹത്തെയും ഉള്‍ക്കൊള്ളുന്നു. കൈയടക്കലുകള്‍ ലോകമെമ്പാടും ആവര്‍ത്തിക്കപ്പെടുന്നു. അതിന്‍റെ ആഹ്വാനം പൂര്‍വാധികം ശക്തിയോടെ എങ്ങും മാറ്റൊലികൊള്ളുന്നു.

ശരിയാണ്, ഒരു ശതമാനത്തിന്‍റെ ദുരയും, അഴിമതിയും ശതമാനത്തിന് ഇനിയും പൊറുക്കാന്‍ വയ്യ. ഇതവസാനിപ്പിച്ചേ മതിയാകൂ. എന്നാല്‍ നാമൊരുകാര്യം കൃത്യമായി അറിഞ്ഞിരിക്കണം- ആ സ്വപ്നം സാക്ഷാല്‍ക്കരിക്കണമെങ്കില്‍ അങ്ങേയറ്റം വരെ പോയേപറ്റൂ. 1 ന് നേരെയുള്ള ഉന്നം തെറ്റാതിരിക്കാനും ഇതേ വഴിയുള്ളൂ. എണ്ണത്തില്‍ തീര്‍ച്ചയായും അവര്‍ തുച്ഛമാണ്. പക്ഷേ ആ 1 ല്‍ നിറയെ കുതികാല്‍വെട്ടും, കൊലയുമാണ്. ലിബിയയിലെ ബഹുജനസമരത്തെ അവര്‍ തട്ടിയെടുത്തത് നാം കണ്ടു. ബോംബ്‌ വര്‍ഷിച്ചു അങ്ങോട്ട്‌ കടന്നു ചെന്നു. കൂടുതല്‍ 'വിവേകമായ' ഒരു ഭരണം സ്ഥാപിച്ചു. 'അക്രമരാഹിത്യ'ത്തിലും ജനാധിപത്യത്തിലുമുള്ള അവരുടെ നൈപുണ്യം ടുനീഷ്യയിലും ഈജിപ്തിലും കാണാം. ഒരു ബെന്‍ അലിക്ക് പകരം ഒരു ഹമാദി ജെബാലി. ഒരു മുബാറക്കിന് പകരം താന്‍താവി. അങ്ങനെ 1 ന്‍റെ കാര്യങ്ങള്‍ പഴയപടി പോലെ തന്നെ തുടരുന്നു. പ്രതിഷേധങ്ങള്‍ ഉയര്‍ത്തി കാര്യം നേടാനും അവര്‍ക്കറിയാം.

ശ്രദ്ധ തിരിച്ചുവിടാന്‍, രോഷം ചോര്‍ത്തിക്കളയാന്‍- ഇന്ത്യയില്‍ അതാണ്‌ കണ്ടത്. അണ്ണാ ഹസാരെയ്ക്ക് മാധ്യമങ്ങളില്‍ പ്രൈം ടൈം, അഴിമതിക്കെതിരായ ജനകീയ രോഷം മയപ്പെടുത്താന്‍ ഒരു മേള. അതോടൊപ്പം തന്നെ, ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ നേരെയുള്ള യുദ്ധത്തെ അവര്‍ മുന്നോട്ടു കൊണ്ടുപോകുന്നുമുണ്ട്. സൈന്യത്തെ കെട്ടഴിച്ചുവിടും യു എസ് നല്‍കുന്ന ആളില്ല വിമാനങ്ങള്‍ ഉപയോഗിച്ചും, അങ്ങനെ ഒന്നുമില്ലാത്തവരുടെ സായുധ വിപ്ലവത്തിനെതിരെ, മാവോയിസ്റ്റുകള്‍ നയിക്കുന്ന ജനകീയ യുദ്ധത്തിനെതിരെ, അവര്‍ ആഞ്ഞടിക്കുന്നു. അതെ സംശയിക്കേണ്ട, അധികാരത്തില്‍ തൂങ്ങാന്‍ ഈ 1 എന്തും ചെയ്യും.

അതുകൊണ്ട് നമ്മള്‍ വേരില്‍ കയറി പിടിക്കണം.അതിനെ പിഴുതെറിയണം. പുതിയതിനെ കിളിര്‍പ്പിക്കാന്‍ മണ്ണ് കിളച്ചു മറിക്കണം. മനുഷ്യനെ തിന്നുന്ന, പരിസ്ഥിതിയെ നശിപ്പിക്കുന്ന മുതലാളിത്ത ദുരയെ, ലോകവ്യാപകമായ സാമ്രാജ്യത്വ വ്യവസ്ഥിതിയുടെ ആര്‍ത്തിയെ അവസാനിപ്പിക്കാന്‍ അത് മാത്രമാണ് ഏക മാര്‍ഗം. വര്‍ഗ്ഗ, ജാതി, ലിംഗ, വര്‍ണ്ണ, വംശീയ വേര്‍തിരിവുകളെ എല്ലാം പിച്ചി ചീന്തണം. അവയെ നിലനിര്‍ത്തുന്ന എല്ലാ സാമ്പത്തിക, സാമൂഹ്യ ബന്ധങ്ങളെയും നശിപ്പിക്കണം. അവയോടൊത്തുപോകുന്ന എല്ലാ ജീര്‍ണ ആശയങ്ങളെയും പൂര്‍ണമായും തൂത്തുമാറ്റണം. ഇതൊക്കെ തന്നെയാണ് കമ്മ്യൂണിസം- ഒരു സമ്പൂര്‍ണ പുത്തന്‍ ചിന്താസരണി, ഒരു സമ്പൂര്‍ണ പുത്തന്‍ ജീവിതരീതി. നമുക്കും ഈ ഭൂഗോളത്തിനും വേണ്ടി.

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എന്നു ചോദിച്ചു പൊങ്ങുന്നു
യൗവനത്തിന്റെ ഗര്‍ജനം:

"ജീവിക്കാന്‍ സമ്മതിക്കാത്ത
നിയമം തുലയേണ്ടതാം
ജീവിക്കാന്‍ സമ്മതിക്കാത്ത
ഭരണം തകരേണ്ടതാം.

എടുക്ക വില്ലും ശരവും
തോക്കും വാക്കും മനുഷ്യരേ,
നഷ്ടപ്പെടാന്‍ നമുക്കുള്ള-
താര്‍ക്കും വേണ്ടാത്ത ജീവിതം"